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REESE LIBRARY
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA,
I
Conrad Weiser's Journal of a Tour to the Ohio
August ii- October 2, 1748
Source: Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 348-358; with
variations from Pennsylvania Historical Collections, i, pp. 23-33.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
Conrad Weiser, one of the most prominent agents in
the management of Indian affairs during the later French
wars, was a native of Wiirtemberg, being born November
2, 1696. When Conrad was but fourteen years old, his
father, John Conrad Weiser, led a party of Palatines to
America where they lived four years on the Livingston
manor in New York, and in 1714 removed to Schoharie.
There young Weiser came in close contact with the
Mohawk Indians, was adopted into their tribe, and living
among them for some years became master of their
language.
In 1729, he and his family, consisting of a wife and five
young children, removed to Berks (then Lancaster)
County, Pennsylvania, where a number of Weiser' s
countrymen had preceded them. The new homestead
was a mile east of the present town of Womelsdorf, and
became the centre of an extended hospitality both for
Pennsylvania Germans and visiting Indians. When
Reading was laid out (1748), Weiser was one of the com-
missioners for that purpose, building therein a house and
store that are still standing.
His first employment as an interpreter was in 1731,
when forty shillings were allotted him for his services.
From this time forward he was official interpreter for
Pennsylvania, and for thirty years was employed in every
important Indian transaction. The Pennsylvania Coun-
cil testified in 1736 "that they had found Conrad faith-
full and honest, that he is a true good Man & had Spoke
1 8 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
their words [the Indians'] & our Words, and not his
own. m Again in 1 743, the governor of Virginia requested
the province of Pennsylvania to send their ' ' honest inter-
preter," Conrad Weiser, to adjust a difficulty with the
Iroquois Indians ; whereupon he proceeded to Onondaga
with a present of £100 on the part of Virginia, and made
peace for the English colonists.2 The following year,
Weiser was chief interpreter at the important treaty of
Lancaster; and throughout King George's War was
occupied with negotiations with the Six Nations, de-
taching them from the French influence, and keep-
ing the Pennsylvania Delawares quiet "upon their
mats."
After the journey to the Ohio, described in the follow-
ing diary, Weiser' s Indian transactions were largely con-
fined to the province of Pennsylvania; Montour and
Croghan taking over the business with the Ohio Indians
until the outbreak of the French and Indian War. Weiser
now assumed duties in a military capacity. He raised
a company of soldiers for the Canadian expedition
(1755), and later was made lieutenant-colonel, with the
care of the frontier forts under his charge. At the same
time the New York authorities besought his influence
with the Mohawks and Western Iroquois; and he assisted
in arranging the treaty at Easton, which prepared the
way for the success of Forbes's expedition (1758).
Weiser was the most influential German of his section,
possibly of all Pennsylvania; but his religious affiliations
and enmities interfered with his political ambitions.
Originally a Lutheran, in 1735 he became concerned
with the movement of the Seventh Day Baptists, which
1 Pennsylvania Colonial Records (Harrisburg, 1851), iv, p. 88.
2 Ibid., pp. 660-669, f°r journal of this tour.
1748] Weisers "Journal 19
led to the establishment of the community at Ephrata,
where he was known as Brother Enoch, and consecrated
to the priesthood. These sectaries charged that the
bribe of official position tempted him to forsake his vows;
certain it is that in 1741 he was appointed justice of the
peace for Berks County, and left Ephrata, later (1743)
sending a letter requesting his former brethren to consider
him a ' ' stranger. ' ' The opposition of this sect of Ger-
mans, the indifference of the Moravians, and the alienation
of his earlier Lutheran friends, lost him his coveted election
for the assembly; and he afterwards withdrew from poli-
tics to remain the trusted adviser of the government upon
Indian and local affairs. His sincerity, honesty, and
trustworthiness made him greatly respected throughout
the entire province, and his death, July 13, 1760, was con-
sidered a public calamity.
The journey undertaken to the Ohio, which the accom-
panying journal chronicles, was the first official embassy
to the Indians who lived beyond the Alleghenies, and was
undertaken for the following reasons.
The efforts of the English traders to push their connec-
tions among the "far Indians" had been increasingly
successful, during the decade 1738-48, and the resulting
rivalry with the French had reached an intense stage.
The firm hold of the latter on the Indian nations of the
"upper country" had been shaken by a long series of
wars with the Foxes and Chickasaws, accompanied by
humiliating defeats. In 1747, the most faithful of the
French Indians — those domiciled at Mackinac and
Detroit — had risen in revolt; and George Croghan sent
word to the council at Philadelphia that some nations
along the shore of Lake Erie desired the English alliance,
having as an earnest thereof sent a belt of wampum and
20 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
a French scalp.3 The Pennsylvania authorities voted
them a present of £200, to be sent out by Croghan. About
the same time, a deputation of ten Indians from the Ohio
arriving in Philadelphia, the council considered this ' ' an
extraordinary event in the English favor," and not only
secured a grant of £1,000 from the assembly, but applied
to the governors of the Southern provinces to aid in this
work; in accordance with which request, Virginia replied
with an appropriation of £200.* Croghan set off in the
spring of 1748, and informed the Allegheny Indians that
Weiser, the official interpreter, would be among them
during the summer. Meanwhile, the latter was detained
by a treaty with the Twigtwee (Miami) Indians, who had
come unexpectedly offering to the English the alliance of
that powerful nation;5 so that it was not until August
that he was able to start on his mission to the Ohio.
In addition to the delivery of the present, he was also
instructed to secure satisfaction for the attack of some
Northern Indians upon the Carolina settlements ; wherein
one Captain Haig, with several others, had been carried
off prisoners — supposedly by some Ohio Indians.6 The
success of this mission was most gratifying to the English
and the frontier settlers. The Virginia authorities
were more active than those of Pennsylvania in following
up the advantage thus gained; and under the leadership
of the Ohio Company sought to secure the Forks of the
Ohio, with the ensuing consequences of the French and
Indian War.
R. G. T.
3 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, p. 72.
'Ibid., pp. 121, 140, 145-152; 189, 190, 257.
5 Ibid., pp. 286-290, 307-319.
6 Ibid., pp. 290-293, 304.
THE JOURNAL OF CONRAD WEISER,
ESQR., INDIAN INTERPRETER, TO THE
OHIO7
Augst nth. Set out from my House & came to James
Galbreath8 that day, 30 Miles.
12th. Came to George Croghans,9 15 Miles.
13th. To Robert Dunnings, 20 Miles.
14th. To the Tuscarroro Path, 30 Miles.
15th and 16th. Lay by on Account of the Men coming
back Sick, & some other Affairs hindering us.
17th. Crossed the Tuscarroro Hill & came to the
Sleeping Place called the Black Log, 20 Miles.
1 8th. Had a great rain in the afternoon; came within
two Miles of the Standing Stone, 24 Miles.
19th. We travelled but 12 Miles;10 were obliged to
dry our Things in the afternoon.
7 There appear to have been two copies of this journal prepared, one as the
official report to the president and council of Pennsylvania, which was published
in the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 348-358. A reprint from the same
manuscript appeared in Early History of Western Pennsylvania (Pittsburg and
Harrisburg, 1846), appendix, pp. 13-23. The other copy seems to have been
preserved among the family papers; and was edited and published by a descend-
ant of Weiser — Heister M. Muhlenberg, M.D., of Reading, Pennsylvania — in
Pennsylvania Historical Society Collections (Philadelphia, 1851), i, pp. 23-33.
We have followed the official copy, indicating by footnotes variations in the
other account. — Ed.
8 Weiser's house was about one mile east of Womelsdorf, now in Berks
County, Pennsylvania. James Galbreath was a prominent Indian trader, one
of those licensed by the government of Pennsylvania. — Ed.
9 Croghan lived at this time just west of Harrisburg in Pennsboro Township,
Cumberland County. — Ed.
10 There were three great Indian paths from east to west through Western
Pennsylvania. The southern led from Fort Cumberland on the Potomac, west-
ward through the valleys of Youghiogheny and Monongahela, to the Forks of
22 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
20th. Came to Franks Town, but saw no Houses or
Cabins; here we overtook the Goods,11 because four of
George Croghan's Hands fell sick, 26 Miles.
2 1 st. Lay by, it raining all Day.
the Ohio, and was the route taken by Washington in 1753, later by Brad-
dock's expedition, and was substantially the line of the great Cumberland
National Road of the early nineteenth century.
The central trail, passing through Carlisle, Shippensburg, and Bedford, over
Laurel, Mountain, through Fort Ligonier, over Chestnut Ridge, to Shannopin's
Town at the Forks of the Ohio, was the most direct, and became the basis of
General Forbes's road, and later of the Pennsylvania wagon road to the
Ohio. Gist took this trail in 1750. — See Hulbert, Old Glade Road (Cleveland,
i9°3) •
The northern, or Kittanning trail, was the oldest, and that most used by
Indian traders. It is this route that Weiser followed. From Croghan's, he
passed over into the valley of Sherman's Creek (in Perry County), crossed the
Tuscarora Mountains at what was later known as Sterritt's Gap, and reached
the Black Log sleeping place near Shade Valley in the southeastern part of
Huntingdon County. This was a digression to the south, for in an extract
from his journal in Pennsylvania Archives, ii, p. 13, Weiser says: " The Black Log
is 8 or 10 miles South East of the Three Springs and Frank's Town lies to y*
North, so that there must be a deduction of at least twenty miles.' ' From here,
following the valley of Aughwick Creek, he crossed the Juniata River, and
approached the "Standing Stone." This was a prominent landmark of the
region, and stood on the right bank of a creek of the same name, near the
present town of Huntingdon. It was about 14 feet high, and six inches square,
and served as a kind of Indian guidepost for that region. From this point,
the trail followed the Juniata Valley, coinciding for a short distance with the
line of the Pennsylvania Central Railway, but turning off on the Frankstown
branch of the Juniata at the present town of Petersburg.
There was also a fourth trail, still farther north, by way of Sunbury and
the west branch of the Susquehanna to Venango. This was Post's route in
1758.— Ed.
11 Frankstown was an important Indian village in the county of Blair, near
Hollidaysburg. The present town of this name lies on the north side of the
river, whereas the Indian town appears to have been on the south bank. Re-
mains of the native village were in existence in the early part of the nineteenth
century. The Indian name was "Assunepachla," the title "Frankstown"
being given in honor of Stephen Franks, a German trader who lived at this
place. — See Jones, History 0} Juniata Valley (Harrisburg, 1889, 2nd ed.),
pp. 298-303. The cause of its desertion when Weiser passed, is not known-
The other edition of the journal says, ' ' Here we overtook one half the goods,' '
which seems more correct in view of the succeeding account. — Ed.
1748] Weiser s "Journal 23
22d. Crossed Alleghany Hill & came to the Clear
Fields, 16 Miles.12
23d. Came to the Shawonese13 Cabbins, 34 Miles.
24th. Found a dead Man on the Road who had killed
himself by Drinking too much Whisky; the Place being
very stony we cou'd not dig a Grave; He smelling very
strong we covered him with Stones & Wood & went on
our Journey; came to the 10 Mile Lick, 32 Miles.
25th. Crossed Kiskeminetoes Creek & came to Ohio
that Day, 26 Miles.14
12 Of the place where the Kittanning trail crosses the Allegheny Range,
Jones writes (op. cit.), that the path is still visible, although filled with
weeds in the summer. "In some places where the ground was marshy, close
to the run, the path is at least twelve inches deep, and the very stones along
the road bear the marks of the iron-shod horses of the Indian traders. Two
years ago we picked up, at the edge of the run, a mile up the gorge, two gun-
flints, — now rated as relics of a past age.' ' Clear fields was at the head waters
of Clearfield Creek, a branch of the Susquehanna River, in Clearfield Town-
ship, Cambria County. This is not to be confused with Clearfield (Chinkla-
camoos), an important Indian town farther north. See Post's Journal, post. —
Ed.
13 The Shawnees (Fr., Chaouanons), when first known, appear to have been
living in Western Kentucky; they were greatly harassed by the Iroquois, and
made frequent migrations which are difficult to trace. In 1692, they made
peace with the Iroquois and the English, and portions of the tribe settled in
the Ohio country and Western Pennsylvania. Intriguing with both English
and French, they were treacherous toward both nations. The location of
the cabins mentioned here by Weiser is not positively known — it was in the
northern part of Indiana County; somewhere on the Kittanning trail. — Ed.
14 Weiser turned aside from the regular trail that ended at the Delaware
Indians' town of Kittanning, and followed a branch of the path that turned
southwest; crossed the Kiskiminitas Creek at the ford where the town of
Saltzburg, Indiana County, now stands; and reached the Allegheny River
(then called the Ohio) at Chartier's Old Town, now Chartier's Station, West-
moreland County. It was at this point that in 1 749, the French explorer, Celoron
de Blainville, met six traders with fifty horses laden with peltries, by these
sending his famous message to the governor of Pennsylvania to keep his traders
from that country, which was owned by the French. Weiser calculated the
distance of his journey by land as one hundred and seventy miles, and by de-
ducting twenty miles for the detour at Black Log, made the distance from the
settlements one hundred and fifty miles. — Ed.
24 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
26th. Hired a Cannoe; paid 1,000 Black Wampum for
the loan of it to Logs Town. Our Horses being all tyred,
we went by Water & came that Night to a Delaware
Town; the Indians used us very kindly.15
27th. Sett off again in the morning early; Rainy
Wheather. We dined in a Seneka Town, where an old
Seneka Woman Reigns with great Authority;16 we dined
at her House, & they all used us very well; at this &
the last-mentioned Delaware Town they received us by
firing a great many Guns; especially at this last Place.
We saluted the Town by firing off 4 pair of pistols;
arrived that Evening at Logs Town, & Saluted the
Town as before; the Indians returned about One hun-
dred Guns;17 Great Joy appear'd in their Countenances.
16 This was the Delaware village known as Shannopin's Town, from a chief
of that name, who died in 1749. It was situated on the Allegheny River in the
present city of Pittsburg, and contained about twenty wigwams, and fifty or sixty
natives. See Darlington, Gist's Journals (Pittsburg, 1893), pp. 92, 93. — Ed.
16 The reference is to Queen Aliquippa, whose town, directly at the Forks of
the Ohio, was called by Celoron "the written rock village." The writings
proved on examination to be but names of English traders scrawled in charcoal
on the rocks. See Father Bonnecamps's Relation, Jesuit Relations (Thwaites's
ed., Cleveland, 1896-1902), btix, p. 175. Celoron says of the Seneca queen:
"She regards herself as a sovereign, and is entirely devoted to the English."
Upon the advent of the French, she removed her village to the forks of the
Monongahela and Youghiogheny, where she told Gist in 1753 she would
never go back to the Allegheny to live, unless the English built a fort. Celoron
says of the site of her first village: "This place is one of the most beautiful I
have seen on the Beautiful River [la Belle Riviere, the French name for the
Ohio]."— Ed.
17 Logstown (French, Chinnigne, Shenango) was the most important
Indian trading village in that part of the country. It was a mixed village com-
posed of Indians of several tribes — chiefly Iroquois, Mohican, and Shawnee.
When Celoron visited it a year after Weiser's sojourn, he spoke of it as "a very
bad village, seduced by the desire for the cheap goods of the English." He
was near being attacked here, being saved by discovering the plot, and dis-
playing the strength of his forces. Like Weiser, he was received with a salute
of guns, but feared it was more a sign of enmity than amity. Later, the Indians
of this village returned to the French alliance, and after the founding of Fort
1748] Weiser s 'Journal 25
From the Place where we took Water, i. e. from the old
Shawones Town, commonly called Chartier's Town,18
to this Place is about 60 Miles by Water & but 35 or 40
by Land.
The Indian Council met this Evening to shake Hands
with me & to shew their Satisfaction at my safe arrival;
I desired of them to send a Couple of Canoes to fetch
down the Goods from Chartier's old Town, where we
had been oblig'd to leave them on account of our Horses
being all tyred. I gave them a String of Wampum to
enforce my Request.19
28th. Lay still.
29th. The Indians sett off in three Canoes to fetch
the Goods. I expected the Goods wou'd be all at Char-
Duquesne, houses were built by the French for its inhabitants. With the
restoration of English interest, the importance of the place diminished, and by
1784 it is spoken of as a "former settlement." The site of Logstown is about
eighteen miles down the river from Pittsburg, just below the present town of
Economy, Pennsylvania. It was on a high bluff on the north shore. For the
history of this place, see Darlington's Gist, pp. 95-100. — Ed.
18 There were two Indian towns called by this name — one at the mouth
of Chartier's Creek, Allegheny County, three miles below Pittsburg; the other
opposite the mouth of Chartier's Run, which falls into the Allegheny in West-
moreland County. Weiser refers to the latter of these. Chartier was a
French-Shawnee half-breed that had much influence with his tribe. In 1745,
he induced most of them to remove to the neighborhood of Detroit, on the orders
of the governor of New France. See Croghan's Journals, post. — Ed.
19 The other edition of the journal adds, that the horses were "all scalled
on their backs.' '
The importance of ' ' wampum ' ' in all Indian transactions cannot be over-
estimated. It was used for money, as a much-prized ornament, to enforce a
request (as at this time), to accredit a messenger, to ransom a prisoner, to
atone for a crime. No council could be held, no treaty drawn up, without a
liberal use of wampum. It was used also to record treaties, as the one described
by Weiser between the Wyandots, Iroquois, and governor of New York. Hale
— "Indian Wampum Records." Popular Science Monthly, February, 1897 —
thinks that it was a comparatively late invention in Indian development, and
took its rise among the Iroquois. Weiser's list of the wampum used and
received in this journey is to be found in Pennsylvania Archives, ii, p. 17. — Ed.
26 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
tier's old Town by the time the Canoes wou'd get there,
as we met about twenty Horses of George Groghan's at
the Shawonese Cabbins in order to fetch the Goods that
were then lying at Franks Town.
This Day news came to Town that the Six Nations
were on the point of declaring War against the French,
for reason the French had Imprison'd some of the Indian
Deputies. A Council was held & all the Indians ac-
quainted with the News, and it was said the Indian Mes-
senger was by the way to give all the Indians Notice to
make ready to fight the French.20 This Day my Com-
panions went to Coscosky, a large Indian Town about
30 Miles off.21
30th. I went to Beaver Creek, an Indian Town about
8 Miles off, chiefly Delawares, the rest Mohocks, to have
some Belts of Wampum made.22 This afternoon Rainy
Wheather set in which lasted above a Week. Andrew
20 The French had retained the Iroquois deputies in order to secure from
them the French prisoners in their hands. La Galissoniere, the governor
wrote to his home government in 1748, that he should persist in retaining their
(the Iroquois) people, until he recovered the French. The governor of New
York demanded the Mohawks, on the ground of their being British subjects,
a claim the French refused to admit. The matter was finally adjusted without
an Indian war, although it caused much irritation. See O'Callaghan (ed.),
New York Colonial Documents (Albany, 1858), x, p. 185. — Ed.
21 Kuskuskis was an important centre for the Delaware Indians, on the
Mahoning Branch of Beaver Creek, in Lawrence County, Pennsylvania. It
consisted of separate villages scattered along the creek, one of which, called
"Old Kuskuskis," was at the forks, where New Castle now stands. See
Post's Journal, post. — Ed.
22 The Indian town at the mouth of Beaver Creek, where the town of Beaver
now stands, was known indifferently as King Beaver's, or Shingas's Old Town
(from two noted Delaware chiefs), or Sohkon (signifying "at the mouth of a
stream"). This was a noted fur-trading station, and after the building of
Fort Duquesne, the French erected houses here, for the Indians. It was the
starting place for many a border raid, that made Shingas's name ' ' a terror to
the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania.' ' See Post's experiences at this place
in 1758, post. — Ed.
1748] Weisers journal 27
Montour23 came back from Coscosky with a Message
from the Indians there to desire of me that the ensuing
Council might be held at their Town. We both lodged
at this Town at George Croghan's Trading House.
31st. Sent Andrew Montour back to Coscosky with a
String of Wampum to let the Indians there know that it
was an act of their own that the ensuing Council must
be held at Logs Town, they had order'd it do last Spring
when George Croghan was up, & at the last Treaty in
Lancaster the Shawonese & Twightwees24 have been
told so, & they stayed accordingly for that purpose, &
both would be offended if the Council was to be held at
Coscosky, besides my instructions binds me to Logs
Town, & could not go further without giving offence.
Septr. 1. The Indians in Logs Town having heard of
23 Andrew Montour was the son of a noted French half-breed, Madame
Montour, who being captured by the Iroquois in her youth married an Oneida
chief and was a firm adherent of the English. Montour's services for the English
were considerable. He was an expert interpreter, speaking the languages of
the various Ohio Indians, as well as Iroquois. First mentioned by Weiser in
1744, when he interpreted Delaware for his Iroquois, he assisted in nearly all
the important Indian negotiations from that time until the treaty of Fort Stanwix
in 1768, being employed in turn by the Pennsylvania, Virginia, and New York
governments, and the Ohio Company. In 1754, he was with Washington at
the surrender of Fort Necessity. Several times he warned the settlements of
impending raids, among other services bringing word of Pontiac's outbreak.
He accompanied Major Rogers as captain of the Indian forces, when the latter
went to take possession of Detroit; and in 1764 commanded a party against
the recalcitrant Delawares. He received for his services several grants of land
in Western Pennsylvania, as well as money. For a detailed biography see
Darlington's Gist, pp. 159-175. — Ed.
24 Twigtwees was the English name for the Miamis, a large nation of Algon-
quian Indians, that were first met by the seventeenth century explorers in
Northern Illinois. But later, they moved eastward into the present state of
Indiana, and settled on the Maumee and Wabash rivers, also on St. Josephs
River in Michigan. The French had had posts among them for two genera-
tions, but from 1723 the English traders had been seeking a foothold in their
midst. Their adherence to the English in 1748 was a blow to the French
trade. — Ed.
28 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
the Message from Coscosky sent for me to know what I
was resolv'd to do, and told me that the Indians at Cos-
cosky were no more Chiefs than themselves, & that last
Spring they had nothing to eat, & expecting that they
shou'd have nothing to eat at our arrival, order'd that
the Council should be held here; now their Corn is ripe,
they want to remove the Council, but they ought to stand
by their word; we have kept the Twightwees here & our
Brethren the Shawonese from below on that account, as
I told them the Message that I had sent by Andrew
Montour; they were content.
2d. Rain continued; the Indians brought in a good
deal of Venison.
3d. Set up the Union Flagg on a long Pole. Treated
all the Company with a Dram of Rum; The King's
Health was drank by Indians & white men. Towards
Night a great many Indians arrived to attend the Council.
There was great firing on both sides; the Strangers first
Saluted the Town at a quarter of a Mile distance, and at
their Entry the Town's People return'd the fire, also the
English Traders, of whom there were above twenty.
At Night, being very sick of the Cholick, I got bled.
4th. Was oblig'd to keep my bed all Day, being very
weak.
5th. I found myself better. Scaiohady25 came to see
me; had some discourse with him about the ensuing
Council.
6th. Had a Council with the Wondats, otherways
called Ionontady Hagas, they made a fine Speech to
25 Scarroyahy was an Oneida chief of great influence with the Ohio Indians,
especially at Logstown. He remained firm in the English interest, and in 1754
moved to Aughwick Creek, to get away from the French influence, and to
protect the settlements. His death the same year, was imputed by his friends
to French witchcraft. — Ed.
1748] Weiser's 'Journal 29
me to make me welcome, & appeared in the whole very
friendly.26 Rainy Wheather continued.
7th. Being inform'd that the Wondats had a mind to
go back again to the French, & had endeavour'd to
take the Delawares with them to recommend them to the
French, I sent Andrew Montour to Beaver Creek with
a string of Wampum to inform himself of the Truth of
the matter; they sent a String in answer to let me know
they had no correspondence that way with the Wondats,
and that the aforesaid Report was false.
8th. Had a Council with the Chiefs of the Wondats;
enquired their number, & what occasion'd them to come
away from the French, What Correspondence they had
with the Six Nations, & whether or no they had ever
had any Correspondence with the Government of New
York; they inform'd me their coming away from the
French was because of the hard Usage they received from
them; That they wou'd always get their Young Men to
go to War against their Enemies, and wou'd use them as
their own People, that is like Slaves, & their Goods
were so dear that they, the Indians, cou'd not buy them;
that there was one hundred fighting Men that came over
26 The Wyandots, or Tobacco Hurons, or Petuns, were of Iroquois stock,
but nearly destroyed by that nation in the seventeenth century. Fleeing west-
ward, they placed themselves under French protection, and, after its founding
in 1 701, were settled chiefly about Detroit. In the early eighteenth century
they straggled eastward along the south shore of Lake Erie, and began to open
communication with their ancient enemies, the Iroquois. In 1747, occurred
the rebellion of their chief Nicholas, who built a fort in the marshes of the
Sandusky, and defied the French soldiers. The chiefs whom Weiser met,
were deputies from this party of rebels.
The other edition of Weiser's journal does not mention the "Wondats"
until September 7 ; and has the following entry for September 6 : " One canoe
with goods arrived, the rest did not come to the river. The Indians that brought
the goods found our casks of whiskey hid by some of the traders; they had
drunk two and brought two to the town. The Indians all got drunk to-night,
and some of the traders along with them. The weather cleared up." — Ed.
30 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
to join the English, seventy were left behind at another
Town a good distance off, & they hoped they wou'd
follow them; that they had a very good Correspondence
with the Six Nations many Years, & were one People
with them, that they cou'd wish the Six Nations wou'd
act more brisker against the French; That above fifty
Years ago they made a Treaty of Friendship with the
Governor of New York at Albany, & shewed me a large
Belt of Wampum they received there from the said
Governor as from the King of Great Britain; the Belt
was 25 Grains wide & 265 long, very Curiously wrought,
there were seven Images of Men holding one another by
the Hand, the 1st signifying the Governor of New York
(or rather, as they said, the King of Great Britain), the
2d the Mohawks, the 3d the Oneidos, the 4th the Cajugas,
the 5th the Onondagers, the 6th the Senekas, the 7th the
Owandaets [Wyandots], the two Rows of black Wampum
under their feet thro' the whole length of the Belt to
signify the Road from Albany thro' the 5 Nations to the
Owendaets; That 6 Years ago, they had sent Deputies
with the same Belt to Albany to renew the Friendship.
I treated them with a quart of Whiskey & a Roll of
Tobacco; they expressed their good Wishes to King
George & all his People, & were mightily pleas'd that I
look'd upon them as Brethren of the English.
This Day I desir'd the Deputies of all the Nations of
Indians settled on the Waters of Ohio to give me a List
of their fighting Men, which they promis'd to do. A
great many of the Indians went away this Day because
the Goods did not come, & the People in the Town
cou'd not find Provision enough, the number was so
great.
The following is the number of every Nation, given to
1748] Weisers ^Journal 31
me by their several Deputies in Council, in so many
Sticks tied up in a Bundle :
The Senacas 163, Shawonese 162, Owendaets 100,
Tisagechroanu 40; Mohawks 74; Mohickons 15; Onon-
dagers 35; Cajukas 20; Oneidos 15; Delawares 165; in
all 789."
9th. I had a Council with the Senakas, & gave them
a large String of Wampum, black & White, to acquaint
them I had it in Charge from the President & Council
in Philadelphia to enquire who it was that lately took
the People Prisoners in Carolina, one thereof being a
Great man, & that by what discovery I had already
made I found it was some of the Senekas did it; I there-
fore desir'd them to give me their Reasons for doing so,
& as they had struck their Hatchet into their Brethren's
Body they cou'd not expect that I could deliver my
Message with a good heart before they gave me Satis-
faction in that Respect, for they must consider the Eng-
lish, tho' living in several Provinces, are all one People, &
doing Mischeif to one is doing to the other; let me have
a plain & direct answer.
10th. A great many of the Indians got drunk; one
Henry Noland had brought near 30 Gallons of Whiskey
to the Town. This Day I made a Present to the old
Shawonese Chief Cackawatcheky, of a Stroud, a Blanket,
27 The Tisagechroanu were ' ' a numerous Nation to the North of Lake
Frontenac; they don't come by Niagara in their way to Oswego, but right
across the Lake." — Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, p. 85. Probably
they were a party of the Neutral Hurons.
The other edition adds after the Mohawks, "among whom there were 27
French Mohawks." The Mohicans were a wandering tribe, whose original
home was on the banks of the Hudson, and in the Connecticut Valley. Charle-
voix found them in the far West in 1721. These on the Ohio were called
"Loups" by the French. — Ed.
02 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
a Match Coat,28 a Shirt, a Pair of Stockings, & a large
twist of Tobacco, & told him that the President &
Council of Philadelphia remember'd their love to him
as to their old & true Friend, & wou'd Cloath his Body
once more, & wished he might weare them out so as to
give them an opportunity to cloath him again. There
was a great many Indians present, two of which were the
big Hominy & the Pride, those that went off with Char-
tier, but protested against his proceedings against our
Traders. Catchawatcheky return'd thanks, & some of
the Six Nations did the same, & express'd their Satis-
faction to see a true man taken Notice of, altho' he was
now grown Childish.
nth. George Croghan & myself staved an 8 Gallon
Cag of Liquor belonging to the aforesaid Henry Norland,
who could not be prevail'd on to hide it in the Woods,
but would sell it & get drunk himselfe.
I desir'd some of the Indians in Council to send some
of their Young Men to meet our People with the Goods,
and not to come back before they heard of or saw them.
I begun to be afraid they had fallen into the Hands of the
Enemy; so did the Indians.
Ten Warriors came to Town by Water from Niagara;
We suspected them very much, & fear'd that some of then-
Parties went to meet our People by hearing of them.29
1 2th. Two Indians and a white man30 went out to meet
our People, & had Orders not to come back before they
saw them, or go to Franks Town, where we left the
28 Stroud was a kind of coarse, warm cloth made for the use of the Indian
trade. A match-coat was a large loose coat worn by the Indians, originally
made of skins, later of match-cloth. — Ed.
29 The other edition adds, "coming down the river." — Ed.
30 His name is given in the other edition as Robert Callender. He accom-
panied Croghan and Gist on their journey to the Ohio in 1750-51. — Ed.
1748] Weiser's "Journal 33
Goods. The same Day the Indians made answer to my
Request concerning the Prisoners taken in Carolina:
Thanayieson, a Speaker of the Senekas, spoke to the
following purpose in the presence of all the Deputies
of the other Nations (We were out of Doors) : ' ' Brethren,
You came a great way to visit us, & many sorts of Evils
might have befallen You by the way which might have
been hurtful to your Eyes & your inward parts, for the
Woods are full of Evil Spirits. We give You this String
of Wampum to clear up your Eyes & Minds & to re-
move all bitterness of your Spirit, that you may hear us
speak in good Chear." Then the Speaker took his
Belt in his Hand & said: "Brethren, when we and you
first saw one another at your first arrival at Albany we
shook Hands together and became Brethren & we tyed
your Ship to the Bushes, and after we had more acquaint-
ance with you we lov'd you more and more, & perceiv-
ing that a Bush wou'd not hold your Vessel we then tyed
her to a large Tree & ever after good Friendship con-
tinued between us; afterwards you, our Brethren, told
us that a Tree might happen to fall down and the Rope
rot wherewith the Ship was tyed. You then proposed
to make a Silver Chain & tye your Ship to the great
Mountains in the five Nations' Country, & that Chain
was called the Chain of Friendship; we were all tyed by
our Arms together with it, & we the Indians of the five
Nations heartily agreed to it, & ever since a very good
Correspondence have been kept between us; but we are
very sorry that at your coming here we are oblig'd to
talk of the Accident that lately befell you in Carolina,
where some of our Warriors, by the Instigation of the
Evil Spirit, struck their Hatchet into our own Body like,
for our Brethren the English & we are of one Body, &
34 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
what was done we utterly abhor as a thing done by the
Evil Spirit himself; we never expected any of our People
wou'd ever do so to our Brethren. We therefore remove
our Hatchet which, by the influence of the Evil Spirit, was
struck into your Body, and we desire that our Brethren
the Govr. of New York & Onas31 may use their utmost
endeavours that the thing may be buried in the bottomless
Pit, that it may never be seen again — that the Chain of
Friendship which is of so long standing may be preserv'd
bright & unhurt." Gave a Belt. The Speaker then
took up a String of Wampum, mostly black, and said:
' ' Brethren, as we have removed our Hatchet out of your
Body, or properly speaking, out of our own, We now
desire that the Air may be clear'd up again & the wound
given may be healed, & every thing put in good under-
standing, as it was before, and we desire you will assist
us to make up everything with the Govr. of Carolina;
the Man that has been brought as a Prisoner we now
deliver to You, he is yours" (lay'd down the String, and
took the Prisoner by the Hand and delivered him to
me).32 By way of discourse, the Speaker said, "the
Six Nation Warriors often meet Englishmen trading to
the Catawbas, & often found that the Englishmen
betrayed them to their Enemy, & some of the English
Traders had been spoke to by the Indian Speaker last
Year in the Cherrykees33 Country & were told not to do
31 "Onas" was the Indian term for the governor of Pennsylvania — first
used for Penn in his treaty with the Delawares, in 1682. — Ed.
32 Apparently this was a lad named William Brown, whom Croghan sent
to the settlements, October 20, 1748. — Pennsylvania Archives, ii, p. 17. — Ed.
33 The Catawbas were a powerful Indian tribe of South Carolina, thought
by Powell — "Indian Linguistic Families of North America," in U. S. Bureau
of Ethnology Report, 1885-86 — to be of Siouan stock. They inhabited the
western portion of the Carolinas, and were traditional enemies of the Iroquois.
The Cherokees were a settled tribe in North Carolina and Tennessee, and at
this time in the English interest. — Ed.
1748] Weisers ^Journal 35
so; that the Speaker & many others of the Six Nations
had been afraid a long time that such a thing wou'd be
done by some of their Warriors at one time or other."
13th. Had a Council with the Senekas and Onon-
tagers about the Wandots, to receive them into our
Union. I gave a large Belt of Wampum and the Indians
gave two, & everything was agreed upon about what
sho'd be said to the Wandots. The same Evening a
full Council was appointed & met accordingly, & a
Speech was made to the Wandots by Asserhartur, a
Seneka, as follows:
"Brethren, the Ionontady Hagas:34 last Spring you
sent this Belt of Wampum to Us (having the Belt then in
his hand) to desire us and our Brethren, the Shawonese &
our Cousins the Delawares, to come & meet you in your
retreat from the French, & we accordingly came to your
Assistance & brought you here & received you as our
own flesh. We desire you will think you now join us, &
our Brethren, the English, & you are become one People
with us" — then he lay'd that Belt by & gave them a
very large String of Wampum.
The Speaker took up the Belt I gave & said : ' ' Breth-
ren: the English, our Brothers, bid you welcome & are
glad you escaped out Captivity like: You have been
kept as Slaves by Onontio,35 notwithstanding he call'd
You all along his Children, but now You have broke the
Rope wherewith you have been tyed & become Freemen,
& we, the united Six Nations, receive you to our Council
Fire, & make you Members thereof, and we will secure
your dwelling Place to You against all manner of danger. "
— Gave the Belt.
34 "Jonontady Hagas" was the Iroquois phrase for the Wyandot or Huron
Indians. — Ed.
35 ' ' Onontio" was the Indian term for the governor of Canada. — Ed.
36 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
"Brethren: We the Six United Nations & all our
Indian Allies, with our Brethren the English, look upon
you as our Children, tho' you are our Brethren; we de-
sire you will give no ear to the Evil Spirit that spreads
lyes & wickedness, let your mind by easy & clear, &
be of the same mind with us whatever you may hear,
nothing shall befall you but what of necessity must befall
us at the same time.
"Brethren: We are extremely pleased to see you
here, as it happened just at the same time when our
Brother Onas is with us. We jointly, by this Belt of
Wampum, embrace you about your middle, & desire
you to be strong in your minds & hearts, let nothing
alter your minds, but live & dye with us." Gave a Belt
— the Council broke up.
14th. A full Council was Summon'd & every thing
repeated by me to all the Indians of what pass'd in Lan-
caster at the last Treaty with the Twightwees.
The News was confirm'd by a Belt of Wampum from
the Six Nations, that the French had imprisoned some of
the Six Nations Deputies, & 30 of the Wandots, includ-
ing Women & Children.
The Indians that were sent to meet our People with the
Goods came back & did not see any thing of them, but
they had been no further than the old Shawonese Town.
15th. I let the Indians know that I wou'd deliver my
Message to morrow, & the Goods I had, & that they
must send Deputies with me on my returning homewards,
& wherever we shou'd meet the rest of the Goods I
wou'd send them to them if they were not taken by the
Enemy, to which they agreed.
The same Day the Delawares made a Speech to me
& presented a Beaver Coat & a String of Wampum, &
1748] Weisers journal 37
said, "Brother: we let the President & Council of Phila.
know that after the Death of our Chief Man, Olomipies,
our Grand Children the Shawnese36 came to our own
Town to condole with us over the loss of our good King,
your Brother, & they wiped off our Tears & comforted
our minds, & as the Delawares are the same People
with the Pennsylvanians, & born in one & the same
Country, we give some of the Present our Grand Children
gave us to the President & Council of Philda. because
the Death of their good Friend & Brother must have
affected them as well as us." — Gave the Beaver Coat &
a String of Wampum.
The same Day the Wandots sent for me & Andrew &
presented us with 7 Beaver Skins about 10 lbs. weight, &
said they gave us that to buy some refreshments for us
after our arrival in Pennsylvania, wished we might get
home safe, & lifted up their Hands & said they wou'd
pray God to protect us & guide us the way home. I
desir'd to know their names; they behav'd like People of
good Sense & Sincerity; the most of them were grey
headed; their Names are as follows: Totornihiades,
Taganayesy, Sonachqua, Wanduny, Taruchiorus, their
Speaker. The Chiefs of the Delawares that made the
above Speech are Shawanasson & Achamanatainu.37
16th. I made answer to the Delawares & said, "Breth-
ren the Delawares: It is true what you said that the
36 Olumpias was principal chief of the Delawares. He had formerly lived
in the Schuylkill Valley, and signed the treaty of purchase by which the Ger-
mans came into possession of their lands in that region (1732). He died in
the autumn of 1747, the president and council of Pennsylvania being asked to
name his successor. The Delawares considered themselves the aborigines of
Pennsylvania, and spoke of the Shawnees, whom they had permitted to come
among them, as ' ' grandchildren.' ' — Ed.
37 These names are given in the other edition as "Shawanapon and Acha-
mantama.' ' — Ed.
38 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
People of Pennsylvania are your Brethren & Country-
men; we are very well pleas'd of what your Children
the Shawonese did to you; this is the first time we had
publick Notice given us of the Death of our good Friend
& Brother Olomipies. I take this opportunity to re-
move the remainder of your Troubles from your Hearts
to enable you to attend in Council at the ensuing Treaty,
& I assure you that the President & Council of Pennsyl-
vania condoles with You over the loss of your King our
good Friend and Brother." — Gave them 5 Strouds.
The two aforesaid Chiefs gave a String of Wampum &
desir'd me to let their Brethren, the President & Council,
know they intended a Journey next Spring to Philadel-
phia to consult with their Brethren over some Affairs of
Moment; since they are now like Orphan Children,
they hoped their Brethren wou'd let them have their
good Advice and' Assistance, as the People of Pennsyl-
vania & the Delawares were like one Family.
The same Day the rest of the Goods arriv'd the Men
said they had nine Days' Rain & the Creeks arose, &
that they had been oblig'd to send a sick Man back from
Franks Town to the Inhabitants with another to attend
him.
The neighboring Indians being sent for again, the
Council was appointed to meet to-morrow. It rain'd again.
17th. It rained very hard, but in the Afternoon it held
up for about 3 hours; the Deputies of the several Nations
met in Council & I delivered them what I had to say
from the President & Council of Pennsylvania by Andrew
Montour.
"Brethren, you that live on Ohio: I am sent to You
by the President & Council of Pennsylvania, & I am
now going to Speak to You on their behalf I desire You
1748] Weisers Journal 39
will take Notice' & hear what I shall say." — Gave a
String of Wampum.
"Brethren: Some of You have been in Philadelphia
last Fall & acquainted us that You had taken up the
English Hatchet, and that You had already made use of
it against the French, & that the French had very hard
heads, & your Country afforded nothing but Sticks &
Hickerys which was not sufficient to break them. You
desir'd your Brethren wou'd assist You with some Weap-
ons sufficient to do it. Your Brethren the Presid*. &
Council promis'd you then to send something to You
next Spring by Tharachiawagon,38 but as some other
Affairs prevented his Journey to Ohio, you receiv'd a
Supply by George Croghan sent you by your said Breth-
ren; but before George Croghan came back from Ohio
News came from over the Great Lake that the King of
Great Britain & the French King had agreed upon a
Cessation of Arms for Six Months & that a Peace was
very likely to follow. Your Brethren, the President &
Council, were then in a manner at a loss what to do. It
did not become them to act contrary to the command of
the King, and it was out of their Power to encourage you
m the War against the French; but as your Brethren
never miss'd fulfilling their Promises, they have upon
second Consideration thought proper to turn the intended
Supply into a Civil & Brotherly Present, and have
accordingly sent me with it, and here are the Goods before
your Eyes, which I have, by your Brethren's Order,
divided into 5 Shares & layd in 5 different heaps, one
heap whereof your Brother Assaraquoa sent to You to
remember his Friendship and Unity with You; & as
you are all of the same Nations with whom we the Eng-
38 This was Weiser's Indian name. — Ed.
40 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
lish have been in League of Friendship, nothing need be
said more than this, that the President & Council &
Assaraquoa39 have sent You this Present to serve to
strengthen the Chain of Friendship between us the
English & the several Nations of Indians to which You
belong. A French Peace is a very uncertain One, they
keep it no longer than their Interest permits, then they
break it without provocation given them. The French
King's People have been almost starv'd in old France
for want of Provision, which made them wish & seek
for Peace; but our wise People are of opinion that after
their Bellies are full they will quarrel again & raise a
War. All nations in Europe know that their Friendship
is mix'd with Poison, & many that trusted too much on
their Friendship have been ruin'd.
1 ' I now conclude & say, that we the English are your
true Brethren at all Events, In token whereof receive
this Present." The Goods being then uncover' d I pro-
ceeded. "Brethren: You have of late settled the
River of Ohio for the sake of Hunting, & our Traders
followed you for the sake of Hunting also. You have
invited them yourselves. Your Brethren, the President
& Council, desire You will look upon them as your
Brethren & see that they have justice done. Some of
your Young Men have robbed our Traders, but you will
be so honest as to compel them to make Satisfaction.
You are now become a People of Note, & are grown
very numerous of late Years, & there is no doubt some
wise Men among you, it therefore becomes you to Act
the part of wise men, & for the future be more regular
39 The Virginians were called by the Indians "Long Knives," or more
literally ' ' Big Knives.' ' Ash-a-le-co-a is the Indian form of this word, which
Weiser spells phonetically. He means that the present was sent by both
Pennsylvania and Virginia. — Ed.
1748] Weisers 'Journal 41
than You have been for some Years past, when only a
few Young Hunters lived here." — Gave a Belt.
"Brethren: You have of late made frequent Com-
plaints against the Traders bringing so much Rum to
your Towns, & desir'd it might be stop't; & your Breth-
ren the President & Council made an Act accordingly &
put a stop to it, & no Trader was to bring any Rum or
strong Liquor to your Towns. I have the Act here with
me & shall explain it to You before I leave you;40 But
it seems it is out of your Brethren's Power to stop it
entirely. You send down your own Skins by the Traders
to buy Rum for you. You go yourselves & fetch Horse
loads of strong Liquor. But the other Day an Indian
came to this Town out of Maryland with 3 Horse loads
of Liquor, so that it appears you love it so well that you
cannot be without it. You know very well that the
Country near the endless Mountain affords strong Liquor,
& the moment the Traders buy it they are gone out of the
Inhabitants & are travelling to this Place without being
discover'd ; besides this, you never agree about it — one
will have it, the other won't (tho' very few), a third says
we will have it cheaper; this last we believe is spoken from
your Hearts (here they Laughed). Your Brethren,
therefore, have order'd that every cask of Whiskey shall
be sold to You for 5 Bucks in your Town, & if a Trader
offers to sell Whiskey to You and will not let you have it
at that Price, you may take it from him & drink it for
nothing." — Gave a Belt.
' ' Brethren: Here is one of the Traders who you know
to be a very sober & honest Man; he has been robbed of
the value of 300 Bucks, & you all know by whom; let,
40 For this proclamation against the sale of liquor to Indians, see Pennsyl-
vania Colonial Records, v, pp. 194-196. — Ed.
42 Early Western Travels [V61. i
therefore, Satisfaction be made to the Trader. " — Gave
a String of Wampum.
' ' Brethren, I have no more to say. ' '
I delivered the Goods to them, having first divided them
into 5 Shares — a Share to the Senekas another to the
Cajukas, Oneidos, the Onontagers, & Mohawks, another
to the Delawares, another to the Owendaets, Tisagech-
roanu, & Mohickons, and the other to the Shawonese.
The Indians signified great Satisfaction & were well
pleased with the Cessation of Arms. The Rainy Wheath-
er hasted them away with the Goods into the Houses.
1 8th. The Speech was delivered to the Delawares in
their own Language, & also to the Shawonese in their' s,
by Andrew Montour, in the presence of the Gentlemen
that accompanied me.41 I acquainted the Indians I was
determined to leave them to-morrow & return homewards.
19th. Scaiohady, Tannghrishon, Oniadagarehra, with
a few more, came to my lodging & spoke as follows :
"Brother Onas, We desire you will hear what we are
going to say to You in behalf of all the Indians on Ohio;
their Deputies have sent us to You. We have heard
what you have said to us, & we return you many thanks
for your kindness in informing us of what pass'd between
the King of Great Britain & the French King, and in
particular we return you many thanks for the large
Presents; the same we do to our Brother Assaraquoa,
who joined our Brother Onas in making us a Present.
Our Brethren have indeed tied our Hearts to their's.
We at present can but return thanks with an empty hand
till another opportunity serves to do it sufficiently. We
41 One of those who accompanied Weiser was William, son of Benjamin
Franklin, who later became governor of New Jersey. See Pennsylvania
Archives, ii, p. 15. — Ed.
1748] JVeisers ^Journal 43
must call a great Council & do every thing regular; in
the mean time look upon us as your true Brothers.
" Brother: You said the other Day in Council if any
thing befell us from the French we must let you know of it.
We will let you know if we hear any thing from the French,
be it against us or yourself. You will have Peace, but it's
most certain that the Six Nations & their Allies are upon
the point of declaring War against the French. Let us
keep up true Corrispondence & always hear of one
another." — They gave a Belt.
Scaiohady & the half King, with two others, had in-
form'd me that they often must send Messengers to Indian
Towns & Nations, & had nothing in their Council Bag,
as they were new beginners, either to recompense a Mes-
senger or to get Wampum to do the business, & begged
I wou'd assist them with something. I had saved a
Piece of Strowd, an half Barrell of Pow[d]er, 100 pounds
of Lead, 10 Shirts, 6 Knives, & 1 Pound of Vermillion, &
gave it to them for the aforesaid use; they return'd many
thanks and were mightily pleased.42
42 Here occurs the following, in the other edition : ' ' The old Sinicker Queen
from above, already mentioned, came to inform me some time ago that she
had sent a string of wampum of three fathoms to Philadelphia by James Dun-
nings, to desire her brethren would send her up a cask of powder and some
small shot to enable her to send out the Indian boys to kill turkeys and other
fowls for her, whilst the men are gone to war against the French, that they
may not be starved. I told her I had heard nothing of her message, but if
she had told me of it before I had parted with all the powder and lead, I could
have let her have some, and promised I would make inquiry; perhaps her
messenger had lost it on the way to Philadelphia. I gave her a shirt, a Dutch
wooden pipe and some tobacco. She seemed to have taken a little affront
because I took not sufficient notice of her in coming down. I told her she
acted very imprudently not to let me know by some of her friends who she was,
as she knew very well I could not know by myself. She was satisfied, and went
away with a deal of kind expressions. The same day I gave a stroud, a shirt,
and a pair of stockings to the young Shawano, King Capechque, and a pipe
and some tobacco.' ' — Ed.
44 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
The same Day I set out for Pennsylvania in Rainy
Weather, and arrived at George Croghan's on the 28th
Instant.43
Conrad Weiser.
Pennsbury, Septt- 29th, 1748.
43 The following description of the homeward journey is contained in the
other edition:
"The 20th, left a horse behind that we could not find. Came to the river;
had a great rain; the river not rideable [fordable].
"The 21st, sent for a canoe about 6 miles up the river to a Delaware town.
An Indian brought one, we paid him a blanket, got over the river about 12
o'clock. Crossed Kiskaminity creek, and came that night to the round hole,
about twelve miles from the river.
' ' The 22d, the weather cleared up; we travelled this day about 35 miles, came
by the place where we had buried the body of John Quen, but found the bears
had pulled him out and left nothing of him but a few naked bones and some old
rags.
" The 23rd, crossed the head of the West Branch of the Susquehanna; about
noon came to the Cheasts [Chest creek, Cambria County]. This night we had a
great frost, our kettle standing about four or five feet from the fire, was frozen
over with ice thicker than a brass penny.
"The 24th, got over Allegheny hill, otherwise called mountains, to Franks-
town, about 20 miles.
"The 25th, came to the Standing Stone; slept three miles at this side; about
31 miles.
"The 26th, to the forks of the wood about 30 miles; left my man's horse
behind as he was tired.
"The 27th, it rained very fast; travelled in the rain all day; came about 25
miles.
"The 28th, rain continued; came to a place where white people now begin
to settle, and arrived at George Croghan's in Pennsbury, about an hour
after dark; came about 35 miles that day, but we left our baggage behind.
"The 29th and 30th, I rested myself at George Croghan's, in the mean time
our baggage was sent for, which arrived.
"The 1st of October reached the heads of the Tulpenhocken.
"The 2nd I arrived safe at my house." — Ed.
II
A Selection of George Croghan's Letters and
Journals Relating to Tours into the Western
Country — November 16, 17 50 -November, 1765.
Sources: Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 496-498, 530-
536, 539> 540, 731-735; vi> PP- 642, 643, 781, 782; vii, pp. 267-271.
Massachusetts Historical Collections, 4 series, ix, pp. 362-379. But-
ler's History of Kentucky (Cincinnati and Louisville, 1836), ap-
pendix, with variations from other sources. New York Colonial
Documents, vii, pp. 781-788.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
Next to Sir William Johnson, George Croghan was the
most prominent figure among British Indian agents during
the period of the, later French wars, and the conspiracy of
Pontiac. ) A history of his life is therefore an epitome of
Indian relations with the whites, especially on the borders
of Virginia and Pennsylvania and in the Ohio Valley. A
pioneer trader and traveller, and a government agent, no
other man of his time better knew the West and the
counter currents that went to make up its history. Not
even the indefatigable Gist, or the self-sacrificing Post,
travelled over so large a portion of the Western country,
knew better the different routes, or was more welcome
in the Indian villages. Among his own class he was
the " mere idol of the Irish traders." Sir William John-
son appreciated his services, made him his deputy for
the Ohio Indians, and entrusted him with the most deli-
cate and difficult negotiations, such as those at Fort Pitt
and Detroit in 1758-61; and those in the Illinois (1765) by
which Pontiac was brought to terms.
Born in Ireland and educated at Dublin, Croghan
emigrated to Pennsylvania at an early age and settled just
west of Harris's Ferry in the township of Pennsboro, then
on the border of Western settlement. The opportunities
of the Indian trade appealed to his fondness for journey-
ing and sense of adventure. His daring soon carried him
beyond the bounds of the province, and among the " far
Indians " of Sandusky and the Lake Erie region, where
he won adherents for the English among the wavering
48 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
allies of the French. His abilities and his influence over
the Indians soon attracted the attention of the hard-headed
German, Conrad Weiser, who in 1747 recommended him
to the Council of Pennsylvania. In this manner he entered
the public service, and continued therein throughout the
active years of his life.
Croghan was first employed by the province in assist-
ing Weiser to convey a present to the Ohio, whither he
preceded him in the spring of 1748.1 The following year
he was sent out to report on the French expedition whose
passage down the Ohio had alarmed the Allegheny
Indians, and arrived at Logstown just after Celoron had
passed, thus neutralizing the latter's influence in that
region.2
The jealousy of the Indians over the encroachments of
the settlers upon their lands west of the mountains on the
Juniata, and in the central valleys of Pennsylvania,
determined the government to expel the settlers rather
than risk a breach with the Indians. In this task, which
must have been uncongenial to him, Croghan, as justice
of the peace for Cumberland County, was employed during
the spring of 1750.3 The autumn of the same year,
found him beginning one of his most extensive journeys
throughout the Ohio Valley, as far as the Miamis and
Pickawillany, where he made an advantageous treaty
with new envoys of the Western tribes who sought his
alliance. To Croghan's annoyance, the Pennsylvania
government in an access of caution repudiated this treaty
as having been unauthorized.
1 See Weiser's Journal, ante; and Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 287,
295-
2 Ibid., v, p. 387; Pennsylvania Archives, ii, p. 31.
8 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 432-449.
1 7 50-1765] Croghari s 'Journals 49
In 1 75 1 Croghan was again upon the Allegheny, en-
couraging the Indians in their English alliance, and
defeating Joncaire, the shrewdest of the French agents in
this region, by means of his own tactics. The next year,
he was pursuing his traffic in furs among the Shawnees,
but without forgetting the public interest;4 and the fol-
lowing year finds him assisting the governor and Council
at the important negotiations at Carlisle.5 This same
year (1753) Croghan removed his home some distance
west, and settled on Aughwick Creek upon land granted
him by the Province. His public services were continued
early in the next year by a journey with the official
present to the Ohio, where he arrived soon after Wash-
ington had passed upon the return from the famous
embassy to the French officers at Fort Le Bceuf.
The outbreak of the French and Indian War ruined
Croghan' s prosperous trading business, and brought him
to the verge of bankruptcy. While at the same time a
large number of Indian refugees, desiring to remain under
British protection, sought his home at Aughwick, where
he felt obliged to provision them, with but meagre assis-
tance from the Province. To add to his troubles, the Irish
traders, because of their Romanist proclivities, fell under
suspicion of acting as French spies, and Croghan was
unjustly eyed askance by many in authority.8 Although
he was granted a captain's commission to command the
Indian contingent during Braddock's campaign, he re-
signed this office early in 1756, and retired from the
Pennsylvania service.
About this time he paid a visit to New York, where his
* See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, p. 568
8 Ibid., p. 665.
1 Pennsylvania Archives, ii, pp. 114, 689.
£o Early Western Travels [Vol. i
distant relative, Sir William Johnson, appreciating his
abilities, chose him deputy Indian agent, and appointed
him to manage the Susquehanna and Allegheny tribes.7
From this time forward he was engaged in important
dealings with the natives, swaying them to the British
interest, making possible the success of Forbes (1758),
and the victory of Prideaux and Johnson (1759). After
the capitulation of Montreal, he accompanied Major
Rogers to Detroit. All of 1761 and 1762 were occupied
with Indian conferences and negotiations, in the course
of which he again visited Detroit, meeting Sir William
Johnson en route.8
Late in 1763, Croghan went to England on private
business, and was shipwrecked upon the coast of France ;9
but finally reached London, where he presented to the
lords of trade an important memorial on Indian affairs.10
Upon his return to America (1765), he was at once dis-
patched to the Illinois. Proceeding by the Ohio River,
he was made prisoner near the mouth of the Wabash,
and carried to the Indian towns upon that river, where
he not only secured his own release, but conducted
negotiations which put an end to Pontiac's War, and
opened the Illinois to the British.
A second journey to the Illinois, in the following year,
resulted in his reaching Fort Chartres, and proceeding
thence to New Orleans. No journal of this voyage
has to our knowledge been preserved.
Croghan's part in the treaty of Fort Stanwix (1768) was
7 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vii, p. 355; New York Colonial Documents,
vii, pp. 136, 174, 196, 211.
8 Stone, Lije oj Johnson, ii, app., p. 457.
9 New York Colonial Documents, vii, p. 624.
10 Ibid., p. 603.
1750-1765] Croghan s journals 51
rewarded by a grant of land in Cherry Valley, New
York. Previous to this he had purchased a tract on the
Allegheny about four miles above Pittsburg, where in
1770 he entertained Washington. At the beginning of
the Revolution he appears to have embarked in the
patriot cause,11 but later was an object of suspicion; and
in 1778 was proclaimed by Pennsylvania as a public
enemy, his place as Indian agent being conferred upon
Colonel George Morgan. He continued, however, to
reside in Pennsylvania, and died at Passyunk in 1782.12
In our selection of material from the large amount of
Croghan' s published work, we have chosen that which
exemplifies Western conditions under three aspects:
First, the period of English ascendency on the Ohio,
which is illustrated by three documents of 1750 and 1751.
Secondly, the period of French ascendency, hostility
toward the English, and war on the frontiers; for this
epoch we publish four documents, ranging from 1754 to
1757. The third period, after the downfall of Canada,
is concerned with the surrender of the French posts, and
the renewed hostility of the Indians; the two journals we
publish for this period present interesting material for
the study of Western history. Each deals with a
pioneer voyage, for Rogers and Croghan were the first
Englishmen (except wandering traders or prisoners) to
penetrate the Lake Erie region and reach Detroit. The
voyage down the Ohio (1765), with its circumstantial
account of the appearance of the country, and its descrip-
tion of Indian conditions and relations, is noteworthy.
Croghan was a voluminous writer. In addition to
the official reports of his journeys, he evidently had
11 Egle, Notes and Queries (Harrisburg, 1896) 3d series, ii, p. 348.
12 For his descendants see Egle, Notes and Queries, 3d series, ii, p. 349.
52 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
the habit of noting down the events of the day in a simple,
straightforward manner, so that many manuscripts of
his were long extant, presenting often different versions
of the same journey. The earlier antiquaries published
these as chance brought them to their notice.13 The
official reports themselves were preserved in the colonial
archives, and are published in the Pennsylvania and New
York collections. It is believed that this is the first attempt
to bring together a selection of Croghan material that in
any adequate manner outlines his interesting career.
The chronological extent of these journals (from 1750-
1765) makes those which follow — Post's of 1758; and
Morris's of 1764 — interludes in the events which Cro-
ghan describes, thus throwing additional light upon the
same period and the same range of territory.
R. G. T.
13 See Craig, The Olden Time, and the heterogeneous mass of Croghan' s
writings therein printed.
A SELECTION OF GEORGE CROGHAN'S
LETTERS AND JOURNALS RELATING
TO TOURS INTO THE WESTERN COUN-
TRY—NOVEMBER 16, 1750- NOVEMBER,
1765
Croghan to the Governor of Pennsylvania14
Logstown on Ohio,
December [November] the 16th, 1750.15
Sir: Yesterday Mr. Montour and I got to this Town,
where we found thirty Warriors of the Six Nations going
14 The following is reprinted from Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp.
496-498; also printed in Early History 0} Western Pennsylvania, app., pp. 21-
29. The circumstances under which it was written are as follows: In the
autumn of 1750, Ccnrad Weiser reported to the governor of Pennsylvania that
the French agent Joncaire was on his way to the Ohio with a present of goods,
and orders from the governor of Canada to drive out all the English traders.
Accordingly, Governor Hamilton detailed Croghan and Montour to hasten
thither, and by the use of a small present, and the promise fof more, to try and
counteract the intrigues of the French, and maintain the Indians in the English
interest. Upon Croghan's arrival at Logstown, he sent back this reassuring letter.
Proceeding westward to the Muskingum, where he had a trading house at a
Wyandot village, Croghan met Christopher Gist, agent for the Ohio Company,
and with him continued to the Scioto, thence to the Twigtwee town of Picka-
willany (near the present Piqua, Ohio). All the way, Croghan held confer-
ences with the Delawares, Shawnees, Wyandots, and Twigtwees, strengthening
the English alliance, and promising a large present of goods to be furnished
next spring at Logstown. At Pickawillany, he made an unauthorized treaty
with two new tribes who sought the English alliance — the Piankeshaws and
Weas (Waughwaoughtanneys, French Ouiatonons). Unfortunately no extant
document by Croghan adequately chronicles this journey. Our knowledge of
it is derived from the journal of Gist (q. v.) ; from incidental notices in the
Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 476, 485-488, 522-525; and from Croghan's
brief account, see post. — Ed.
15 In the original publication the month was misprinted December for
November. See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, p. 498, where the governor
in a message to the Assembly speaks of Croghan's letter from the Ohio of the
sixteenth of November. Cf. also, Gist's Journal, November 25, 1750, where
he says that Croghan had passed through Logstown about a week before. — Ed.
54 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
to War against the Catawba Indians; they told us that
they saw John Coeur about one hundred and fifty miles
up this River at an Indian Town, where he intends to
build a Fort if he can get Liberty from the Ohio Indians ;
he has five canoes loaded with Goods, and is very gener-
ous in making Presents to all the Chiefs of the Indians
that he meets with; he has sent two Messages to this
Town desiring the Indians here to go and meet him and
clear the Road for him to come down the River, but they
have had so little Regard to his Message that they have
not thought it worth while to send him an answer as yet.18
We have seen but very few of the Chiefs of the Indians
they being all out a hunting, but those we have seen are of
opinion that their Brothers the English ought to have
a Fort on this River to secure the Trade, for they think
it will be dangerous for the Traders to travel the Roads
for fear of being surprised by some of the French and
French Indians, as they expect nothing else but a War
with the French next Spring. At a Town about three
hundred miles down this River, where the Chief of the
Shawonese live,17 a Party of French and French Indians
16 Philippe Thomas Joncaire (John Coeur), Sieur de Chabert, was a French
officer resident among the Seneca Indians, to whose tribe his mother was said
to belong. Born in 1707, on the death of his father (1740) he succeeded to
the latter's influence and authority among the Iroquois, and made constant
efforts to neutralize the influence of Sir William Johnson, the English agent.
Joncaire had a trading house at Niagara, and his profits from the portage of
goods at that place were great. He accompanied Celoron's expedition in
1749; and in 1753 met Washington at Venango. It was chiefly due to his in-
fluence that the Ohio Indians deserted the English at the outbreak of the French
and Indian war. Joncaire led the Iroquois contingent in all the campaigns on
the Allegheny and in Western New York; and when Prideaux and Johnson
advanced against Niagara, he commanded an outpost at the upper end of the
portage. He signed the capitulation of Fort Niagara (i759)> but after that
nothing further is known of him. — Ed.
17 The town mentioned here was at the mouth of the Scioto River, and
was known as " the lower Shawnee town." — Ed.
1750] Croghan s 'Journals 55
surprised some of the Shawonese and killed a man and
took a woman and two children Prisoners; the Shawonese
pursued them and took five French Men and some
Indians Prisoners; the Twightwees likewise have sent
word to the French that if they can find any of their Peo-
ple, either French or French Indians, on their hunting
Ground, that they will make them Prisoners, so I expect
nothing else but a War this Spring ; the Twightwees want
to settle themselves some where up this River in order
to be nearer their Brothers the English, for they are
determined never to hold a Treaty of Peace with the
French. Mr. Montour and I intend as soon as we can
get the Chiefs of the Six Nations that are Settled here
together, to sollicit them to appoint a Piece of Ground
up this River to seat the Twightwees on and kindle a
Fire for them, and if possible to remove the Shawonese
up the River, which we think will be securing those
Nations more steady to the English Interest. I hope the
Present of Goods that is preparing for those Indians
will be at this Town some time in March next, for the
Indians, as they are now acquainted that there is a Present
coming, will be impatient to receive it, as they intend to
meet the French next Spring between this and Fort De
Troit, for they are certain the French intend an Expedi-
tion against them next Spring from Fort De Troit."
18 Detroit was considered an important station by La Salle; but no perma-
nent post was established there until 1701, when De la Mothe Cadillac built a
fort named Pontchartrain, and established the nucleus of a French colony.
Bands of Indians were induced to settle at the strait; and here (1712) took
place the battle of the Foxes with the Hurons and Ottawas. Detroit con-
tinued to be one of the most important French posts in the West until in 1760,
when it was transferred to an English detachment under command of Major
Rogers. See Croghan's Journal, post.
The siege of Detroit during Pontiac's War is one of the best known inci-
5 6 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
I hear the Owendaets [Wyandots] are as steady and well
attached to the English Interest as ever they were, so
that I believe the French will make but a poor hand of
those Indians. Mr. Montour takes a great deal of Pains
to promote the English Interest amongst those Indians,
and has a great sway amongst all those Nations; if your
Honour has any Instructions to send to Mr. Montour,
Mr. Trent will forward it to me.19 I will see it delivered
to the Indians in the best manner, that your Honour's
Commands may have their full Force with the Indians.
I am, with due respects,
Your Honour's most humble Servant,
Geo. Croghan.
The Honoble. James Hamilton,20 Esq.
dents in its history. During the Revolution, the British officials here were
accused of sending scalping parties against the frontier settlements; and in
1779 George Rogers Clark captured at Vincennes its "hair-buying" corns
mandant, General Henry Hamilton. In 1780, an expedition against Detroit wa-
projected by Clark, but failed of organization. Throughout the Indian wars
of the Northwest, Detroit was regarded with suspicion by the Americans, and
its surrender in 1796 secured a respite for the frontier. Its capitulation to the
British by Hull (1812) was a blow to the American cause, which was not re-
paired until after Perry's victory on Lake Erie, when Proctor evacuated Detroit,
which was regained by an American force (September 29, 1813). Cass was
then made governor. As American settlement came in, the importance of
Detroit as a centre for the fur-trade declined, and its career as a Western com-
mercial city began. — Ed.
19 Captain William Trent was a noted Indian trader, brother-in-law and at
this time partner of Croghan. Although born in Lancaster, Pennsylvania (1715),
he served the colony of Virginia as Indian agent; and in 1752 its governor dis-
patched him to the Miamis with a present. See Journal of Captain Trent
(Cincinnati, 1871). The following year he was sent out by the Ohio Company
to begin a fortification at the Forks of the Ohio, from which in Trent's absence
(April, 1754), the garrison was expelled by a French force under Contrecceur.
Trent was with Forbes in 1758, and the following year was made deputy Indian
agent, assistant to Croghan, and aided at the conferences at Fort Pitt in 1760.
His trade was ruined by the uprising of Pontiac's forces, but he received repara-
tion at the treaty of Fort Stanwix (1768) by a large grant of land between the
Kanawha and Monongahela rivers, where he made a settlement. At the out-
1750] Croghan's 'Journals 57
break of the Revolution he joined the patriot cause, and was major of troops
raised in Western Pennsylvania. — Ed.
20 Governor James Hamilton was the son of a prominent Philadelphia
lawyer, and being himself educated for the legal profession, held several offices
in the colony before he was appointed lieutenant-governor in 1748. His ad-
ministration was a vigorous one, but owing to difficulties with the Quaker
party he resigned in 1754. Five years later he was reinstated in the office, and
served until the proprietor John Penn came over as governor (1763). His
death occurred at New York during the British occupation (1783). — Ed.
Proceedings of George Croghan, Esquire, and Mr.
Andrew Montour at Ohio, in the Execution of
the Governor's Instructions to Deliver the
Provincial Present to the several Tribes of
Indians settled there:21
May the 18th, 1751. — I arrived at the Log's Town on
Ohio with the Provincial Present from the Province of
Pennsylvania, where I was received by a great number
of the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawonese, in a very
complaisant manner in their way, by firing Guns and
Hoisting the English Colours. As soon as I came to the
shore their Chiefs met me and took me by the Hand
bidding me welcome to their Country.
May the 19th. — One of the Six Nation Kings from the
Head of Ohio came to the Logstown to the Council, he
immediately came to visit me, and told me he was glad to
see a Messenger from his Brother Onas on the waters of
the Ohio.
May the 20th. — Forty Warriors of the Six Nations
^This document is reprinted from Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp.
530-536; a portion of it is also to be found in Craig, The Olden Time (Pittsburg,
1846), i, p. 136, and a reprint in Early History of Western Pennsylvania, app.,
pp. 26-34. As the result of Croghan's Western journey during the winter of
1750-51, and the desire of Pennsylvania to maintain its trade relations with
the Ohio Indians, the Assembly voted £700 to be employed in presents;
and the governor instructed Croghan and Montour to deliver the goods. —
See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 487, 518, 525, and Croghan's
account, post. The adroitness with which Croghan outwitted the French
officer and interpreter Joncaire, and his influence over the chiefs on the
Ohio, as well as the susceptibility of the Indian nature to the influence
of material goods, are all exemplified in this narrative. It did not result,
however, as Croghan and the governor wished, in inducing the Pennsyl-
vania authorities to construct a fort on the Ohio. The beginnings of that
enterprise were left to the Virginians, but too late to secure the Forks of the
Ohio from being seized by the French. — Ed.
1751] Croghan s 'Journals 59
came to Town from the Heads of Ohio, with Mr. Ioncoeur
and one Frenchman more in company.
May the 21st, 1751. — Mr. Ioncoeur, the French Inter-
preter, called a council with all the Indians then present
in the Town, and made the following Speech :
1 ' Children : I desire you may now give me an answer
from your hearts to the Speech Monsieur Celeron (the
Commander of the Party of Two Hundred Frenchmen
that went down the River two Years ago) made to you.22
His Speech was, That their Father the Governor of
Canada desired his Children on Ohio to turn away the
English Traders from amongst them, and discharge
them from ever coming to trade there again, or on any
of the Branches, on Pain of incurring his Displeasure, and
to enforce that Speech he gave them a very large Belt of
Wampum. Immediately one of the Chiefs of the Six
Nations get up and made the following answer:
" Fathers: I mean you that call yourselves our
Fathers, hear what I am going to say to you. You de-
sire we may turn our Brothers the English away, and not
suffer them to come and trade with us again; I now tell
you from our Hearts we will not, for we ourselves brought
them here to trade with "us, and they shall live amongst
22 The commandant of this famous expedition (1749) was Pierre Joseph
Ce"loron, Sieur de Blainville, born in 1693, and having served a long apprentice-
ship in the posts of the upper country. He commanded an invasion of the
Chickasaw country (1739), and had charge of the post at Detroit in 1742-43,
and again in 1750-54. Fort Niagara was entrusted to him in 1744-47, whence
he was transferred to Crown Point, until his Ohio expedition took place. In
the French and Indian War he held the rank of major, and served on the staff
of the commander-in-chief. He died about 1777. In 1760, the Canadian
authorities characterized him as "poor and brave." Some question has
arisen, whether the leader of this expedition might not have been a younger
brother, Jean Baptiste. For Croghan's visit to the Ohio directly after CeUoron's
expedition had passed, see post; also, Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v,
p. 387, and Pennsylvania Archives, ii, p. 31. — Ed.
60 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
us as long as there is one of us alive. You are always
threatning our Brothers what you will do to them, and
in particular to that man (pointing to me); now if you
have anything to say to our Brothers tell it to him if you
be a man, as you Frenchmen always say you are, and the
Head of all Nations. Our Brothers are the People we
will trade with, and not you. Go and tell your Governor
to ask the Onondago Council If I don't speak the minds
of all the Six Nations;"23 and then [he] returned the Belt.
I paid Cochawitchake the old Shawonese King a visit,
as he was rendered incapable of attending the Council
by his great age, and let him know that his Brother the
Governor of Pennsylvania was glad to hear that he was
still alive and retained his senses, and had ordered me to
cloathe him and to acquaint him that he had not forgot
his strict Attachment to the English Interest. I gave
him a Strowd Shirt, Match Coat, and a pair of Stockings,
for which he gave the Governor a great many thanks.
May the 22d. — A number of about forty of the Six
Nations came up the River Ohio to Logstown to wait on
the Council; as soon as they came to Town they came to
my House, and after shaking Hands they told me they
were glad to see me safe arrived in their Country after my
long Journey.
May the 23d. — Conajarca, one of the Chiefs of the
Six Nations, and a Party with him from the Cuscuskie,
came to Town to wait on the Council, and congratulated
me upon my safe arrival in their Country.
23 The Onondaga Council was the chief governing body of the Six Nations,
or Iroquois, and since this confederacy assumed supremacy over the Ohio
Indians, it was the chief centre of Indian diplomacy. The council house was
situated on the site of the present town of Onondaga, New York, and was
about eighty feet long, with broad seats arranged on each side. For an early
description see Bartram, Observations, etc. (London, 1751), pp. 40, 41. — Ed.
1751] Croghan s 'Journals 61
May the 24th. — Some Warriors of the Delawares came
to Town from the Lower Shawonese Town, and brought
a Scalp with them; they brought an Account that the
Southward Indians had come to the Lower Towns to
War, and had killed some of the Shawonese, Delawares,
and the Six Nations, so that we might not expect any
People from there to the Council.
May the 25th. — I had a conference with Monsieur
Ioncoeur; he desired I would excuse him and not think
hard of him for the Speech he made to the Indians re-
questing them to turn the English Traders away and not
suffer them to trade, for it was the Governor of Canada's
Orders24 to him, and he was obliged to obey them altho'
he was very sensible which way the Indians would re-
ceive them, for he was sure the French could not accom-
plish their designs With the Six Nations without it could
be done by Force, which he said he believed they would
find to be as difficult as the method they had just tryed,
and would meet with the like success.
May the 26th. — A Dunkar from the Colony of Virginia
came to the Log's Town and requested Liberty of the
Six Nation Chiefs to make [a settlement] on the River
Yogh-yo-gaine a branch of Ohio, to which the Indians
made answer that it was not in their Power to dispose of
Lands; that he must apply to the Council at Onondago,
24 Galissoniere, the governor of Canada, who planned C^loron's expedition
to the Ohio, was superseded in the autumn of 1 749 by Jacques Pierre de Taff anel,
Marquis de la Jonquiere, who continued the policy of the former; he sent orders
to the commandants of the Western posts to arrest all British subjects found in
the Ohio Valley. La Jonquiere, who was born in 1686, had served in the
French navy with distinction, and after his first commission as governor of
New France was captured by an English vessel (1747), and kept a prisoner for
more than a year, so that he did not reach his post until 1749. His term of
service was but two years and a half, being terminated by his death in May,
1752. — Ed.
62
Early Western Travels
[Vol. i
and further told him that he did not take a right method,
for he should be first recommended by their Brother the
Governor of Pennsylvania, with whom all Publick Business
of that sort must be transacted before he need expect to
succeed.25
May the 27th. — Mr Montour and I had a Conference
with the Chiefs of the Six Nations, when it was agreed
upon that the following Speeches should be made to the
Delawares, Shawonese, Owendatts and Twightwees,
when the Provincial Present should be delivered them in
the Name of the Honourable James Hamilton, Esquire,
Lieutenant Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the
Province of Pennsylvania, and Counties of New Castle,
Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, in Conjunction with the
Chiefs of the Six United Nations On Ohio:
A Treaty with the Indians of the Six Nations, Del-
awares, Shawonese, Owendatts and Twightwees.
In the Log's Town on Ohio,
Thursday the 28th May, 1751.
Present:
Joseph Nelson,
James Brown,
Dennis Sullavan,
Paul Pearce,
Caleb Lamb,
Thomas Kinton,
Samuel Cuzzens,
Jacob Pyatt,
John Owens,
Thomas Ward,
y Indian Traders.
The Deputies of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawo-
25 This Dunkar (or Dunker) was doubtless Samuel Eckerlin one of three
brothers who migrated from Ephrata about 1745, and ultimately settled on the
Monongahela about ten miles below Morgantown, West Virginia. The Dunkers
were a sect of German Baptists that arose in the Palatine about 1708, and mi-
grated to Pennsylvania in 1719. Their formal organization took place at a
baptism on the banks of Wissahickon Creek (near Philadelphia) in 1723.
There were several divisions of this sect, one of which founded the community
1751] Croghari s "Journals 63
nese, Owendatts, and Twightwees; Mr. Andrew Mon-
Jour, Interpreter for the Province of Pennsylvania;
Toanshiscoe, Interpreter for the Six Nations.
George Croghan made the following Speech to the
several Nations, when they were met in Council, in the
Name of the Honourable James Hamilton, Esquire,
Governor of the Province of Pennsylvania:
"Friends and Brethren: — I am sent here by your
Brother the Governor of Pennsylvania with this Present
of Goods to renew the Friendship so long subsisting
between Us, and I present you these four strings of Wam-
pum to clear your Minds and open your Eyes and Ears
that you may see the Sun clear, and hear what your
Brother is going to say to you." — Gave 4 Strings of
Wampum.
A Speech delivered the Delawares — in answer to the
Speech they sent by Mr. Weiser three Years ago to his
Honour the Governor to acquaint him of the Death of
their Chief, King Oulamopess26 — by George Croghan:
' ' Brethren the Delawares : — Three years ago
some of the Chiefs of your Nation sent me a Message by
Mr. Weiser to acquaint me of the Death of your King, a
man well beloved by his Brethren the English. You told
Mr. Weiser that you intended to visit me in order to
consult about a new Chief, but you never did it. I have
ever since condoled with you for the Loss of so good a
Man, and considering the lamentable Condition you were
of Ephrata. Their tenets were baptism by immersion, a celibate community
life, and refusal to bear arms. The Eckerlin brothers sought a solitary wilder-
ness life, and at first were regarded with favor by the Ohio Indians. A massa-
cre, however, demolished their settlement in 1757. Three of the party were
captured, and sent as prisoners to Canada, and later to France. For details
see Sachse, German Sectarians of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1900), ii, pp.
340-359.— Ed.
28 For an account of this chief see Weiser's Journal, ante. — Ed.
64 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
in for want of a Chief I present You this Belt of Wampum
and this Present to wipe away your Tears, and I desire
you may choose amongst Yourselves one of your wisest
Counsellors and present to your Brethren the Six Nations
and me for a Chief, and he so chosen by you shall be
looked upon by us as your King, with whom Publick
Business shall be transacted. Brethren, to enforce this
on your Minds I present you this Belt of Wampum." —
Gave a Belt of Wampum, which was received with the
Yohah.27
A Speech delivered the Shawonese from the Honour-
able James Hamilton, Governor of Pennsylvania, by
George Croghan:
"Brethren the Shawonese: — Three years ago
when some of your Chiefs and some Chiefs of the Six
Nations came down to Lancaster with our Brethren the
Twightwees, they informed me that your People that
went away with Peter Chartier was coming back, and
since that I hear that Part of them are returned. I am
glad to hear that they are coming home to you again that
you may become once more a People, and not as you were
dispersed thro' the World. I do not blame you for what
happened, for the wisest of People sometimes make mis-
takes; it was the French that the Indians call their Fathers
that deceived You and scattered you about the Woods
that they might have it in their Power to keep you poor.
Brethren, I assure you by this Present that I am fully
reconcil'd and have forgot any thing that you have done,
and I hope for the future there will be a more free and
open Correspondence between us; and now your Brethren
27 Indians receive a speech with grunts of approval, which the French
annalists spelled "ho-ho." Croghan is apparently giving the English render-
ing of this term. — Ed.
1751] Croghan s 'Journals 65
the Six Nations join with me to remove any misunder-
standing that should have happened between us, that
we may henceforth spend the remainder of our days
together in Brotherly Love and Friendship. Now, that
this Speech which your Brothers the Six Nations joyn
with me in may have its full Force on your minds, I
present you this Belt of Wampum." — Gave a Belt of
Wampum, Which was received with the Yo-hah.
A Speech delivered the Owendatts, from the Honour-
able James Hamilton, Governor of Pennsylvania, by
George Croghan:
1 ' Brethren the Owendatts : — I receiv'd a Message
by the Six Nations and another by Mr. Montour from
you, by both which I understand the French, whom the
Indians call their Father, wont let you rest in your Towns
in Peace, but constantly threaten to cut you off. How
comes this ? Are you not a free and independent People,
and have you not a Right to live where you please on your
own Land and trade with whom you please? Your
Brethren, the English, always considered you as a free
Nation, and I think the French who attempt to infringe
on your Liberties should be opposed by one and all the
Indians or any other Nations that should undertake such
unjust proceedings.
1 ' Brethren : I am sorry to hear of your Troubles, and
I hope you and your Brethren the Six Nations will let
the French know that you are a free People and will not
be imposed on by them. To assure you that I have
your Troubles much at heart I present you this Belt
and this Present of Goods to cloathe your Families." —
Gave a Belt of Wampum, which was received with the
Yo-hah.
A Speech delivered the Twightwees from the Honour-
66 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
able James Hamilton, Esquire, Governor Pennsylvania,
by George Croghan:
"Brethren the Twightwees: — As you are an
antient and renowned Nation I was well pleased when
you sent your Deputies now three years ago to sollicit
our Alliance; nor did we hesitate to grant you your
Request, as it came so warmly recommended to us by
our Brethren the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawonese.
At your further Request we ordered our Traders to go
amongst you and supply you with Goods at as reasonable
rates as they could afford. We understand that in obedi-
ence to our Commands our Traders have given you full
Satisfaction to your Requests. In one your Towns about
three Months ago Mr. George Croghan likewise informs
us that some more of your Tribes earnestly requested
to become our Allies. He and Mr. Montour did receive
a writing from you Certifying such your Request, and
containing your Promises of Fidelity and Friendship,
which we have seen and approve of. Brethren: we have
recommended it to our Brethren the Six Nations to give
you their advice how you should behave in your new
Alliance with us, and we expect that you will follow it,
that the Friendship now subsisting between Us, the Six
Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Owendatts, and you,
may become as Strong as a great Mountain which the
Winds constantly blow against but never overset. Breth-
ren, to assure you of our hearty Inclinations towards you
I make you this Present of Goods; and that this Speech
which I make you now in Conjunction with the Six
Nations may have its full Force on your minds, I present
you this Belt of Wampum." — Gave a Belt, which was
received with the Yo-hah.
A Speech made to the Six United Nations by George
1751] Croghari s 'Journals 67
Croghan in behalf of the Honourable James Hamilton,
Esquire, Governor of the Province of Pennsylvania:
"Brethren the Six Nations: Hear what I am
going to say to you. Brethren: it is a great while since
we, your Brothers the English, first came over the great
Water (meaning the Sea) ; as soon as our ship struck the
Land you the Six Nations took hold of her and tyed her
to the Bushes, and for fear the Bushes would not be
strong enough to hold her you removed the Rope and
tyed it about a great Tree ; then fearing the winds would
blow the Tree down, you removed the Rope and tyed it
about a great Mountain in the Country (meaning the
Onondago Country), and since that time we have lived
in true Brotherly Love and Friendship together. Now,
Brethren, since that there are several Nations joined in
Friendship with you and Us, and of late our Brethren
the Twightwees: Now, Brethren, as you are the Head of
all the Nations of Indians, I warmly recommend it to
you to give our Brethren the Twightwees your best ad-
vice that they may know how to behave in their New
Alliance, and likewise I give our Brethren the Owendatts
in charge to you, that you may Strengthen them to with-
stand their Enemies the French, who I understand treat
them more like Enemies than Children tho' they call
themselves their Father.
"Brethren: I hope we, your Brothers the English,
and you the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Owen-
datts, and Twightwees, will continue in such Brotherly
Love and Friendship that it will be as strong as that
Mountain to which you tyed our Ship. Now, Brethren,
I am informed by George Croghan that the French
obstruct my Traders and carry away their Persons and
Goods, and are guilty of many outrageous Practices,
68 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
Whereby the Roads are rendered unsafe to travel in,
nor can we ask our Traders to go amongst you whilst
their Lives and Effects are in such great Danger. How
comes this to pass? Don't this proceed from the Pride
of Onontio, whom the Indians call their Father, because
they don't see his ill Designs? The strong houses you
gave him Leave to erect on your Lands serve (As your
Brethren the English always told you) to impoverish
You and keep your Wives and Children always naked
by keeping the English Traders at a Distance, the French
well knowing the English sell their Goods cheaper than
they can afford, and I can assure You Onontio will never
rest while an English Trader comes to Ohio; and indeed
if you don't open your Eyes and put a Stop to his Pro-
ceedings he will gain his Ends. Brethren: I hope you
will consider well what Onontio means or is about to do.
To enforce what I have been saying to you on your minds,
I present this Belt of Wampum." — Gave a Belt. They
received this Belt with Yo-hah.
The Speaker of the Six Nations made the following
Speech to Monsieur Ioncoeur in open Council; he spoke
very quick and sharp with the Air of a Warrior :
' ' Father — How comes it that you have broke the
General Peace ? Is it not three years since you as well as
our Brother the English told Us that there was a Peace
between the English and French, and how comes it that
you have taken our Brothers as your Prisoners on our
Lands ? Is it not our Land (Stamping on the Ground and
putting his Finger to John Coeur's Nose) ? What Right
has Onontio to our Lands ? I desire you may go home
directly off our Lands and tell Onontio to send us word
immediately what was his Reason for using our Brothers
so, or what he means by such Proceedings, that we may
I
1 751] Croghari s 'Journals 69
know what to do, for I can assure Onontio that We the
Six Nations will not take such Usage. You hear what
I say, and that is the Sentiments of all our Nations; tell
it to Onontio that that is what the Six Nations said to
you." — Gave 4 Strings of black Wampum.
After which the Chief of the Indians ordered the Goods
to be divided, and appointed some of each Nation to
stand by to see it done, that those that were absent might
have a sufficient Share laid by for them.
After which the Chiefs made me a Speech and told me
it was a Custom with their Brothers whenever they went
to Council to have their Guns, Kettles, and Hatchets
mended, and desired I might order that done, for they
could not go home till they had that done. So Mr. Mon-
tour and I agreed to comply with their Request, and
ordered it done that they might depart well satisfied.
Letter of Croghan to the Governor, accompany-
ing THE FOREGOING TREATY28
Pennsboro', June ioth, 1751.
May it please your Honour: Inclosed is a Copy of
the Treaty held on Ohio by your Honour's Instructions
on delivering your Honour's Present to the several Nations
of Indians Residing there. I hope your Honour on pe-
rusing the Proceedings of the Treaty will find that I have
observed your Honour's Instructions in every Speech
that I delivered from your Honour. I took all the
Pains I could to make the Present have its full Force
and Weight with the Indians, and I have the Pleasure of
assuring your Honour that the Indians were all unani-
mously well pleased at your Honour's Speeches, and
likewise acknowledged it was a great Present, and the
Chiefs of the Six Nations took great Pains with me in
dividing it amongst the other nations, that it might have
its full force with them, which I assure your Honour it
had, for every man I saw there was well satisfied with
his share of the Present; the Indians in general expressed
a high Satisfaction at having the Opportunity in the
Presence of Ioncceur of expressing their hearty Love
and Inclinations towards the English, and likewise to
assure your Honour what Contempt they had for the
French, which your Honour will see by the Speeches they
made. Ioncceur-Ioncceur has sent a Letter to your
28 This letter accompanied the preceding journal, and was written on
Croghan's return to the settlements. Pennsbcro was the district in Cumber-
land County west of the Susquehanna, in which Croghan's home was at this
time situated. — Ed.
1751] Croghari s 'Journals y\
Honour, which I enclose here.29 Mr. Montour has
exerted himself very much on this occasion, and he is not
only very capable of doing the Business, but look'd on
amongst all the Indians as one of their Chiefs, I hope your
Honour will think him worth notice, and recommend it
to the Assembly to make him full Satisfaction for his
Trouble, as he has employed all his Time in the Business
of the Government. I hope your Honour will recom-
mend it to the Government of Virginia to answer the
Speech sent them now in answer to their own Speech
sent last Fall, as soon as possible. May it please your
Honour, I make bold to send down my Account against
the Province for what Wampum I delivered Mr. Mon-
tour to make the Speeches last Fall and this Spring, de-
livered by your Honour's Instructions. Mr. Montour is
at my House and will wait on your Honour when you
Please to appoint the time. I hope what has been tran-
sacted at this Treaty will be pleasing to your Honour, as
I am sure the Present had its full Force, and shall defer
any farther Account till you have the opportunity of
examining Mr. Montour.
I am your Honour's most obedient, humble Servant,
George Croghan.
19 The letter from Joncaire here referred to, is printed in French in Pennsyl-
vania Colonial Records, v, p. 540. It consists merely of a statement of the
French right to the Ohio Valley, and of the orders of the governor of Canada to
permit no English to trade therein. — Ed.
Croghan's Journal, 1754.30
January 12th, 1754. — I arrived at Turtle Creek about
eight miles from the Forks of Mohongialo, where I was
30 This journal is reprinted from the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 731-
735 (also found in Early History 0} Western Pennsylvania, app., pp. 50-53), and
chronicles a material change of affairs on the Ohio since the last account written
by Croghan. Then the English interests were in the ascendency, and the French
were being flouted and driven from the headwaters of the Ohio. But the divi-
sion in English councils, the supineness of the colonial assemblies, and the active
preparation and determined advance of the French into the upper Ohio Valley
had had its effect upon the Indian tribes. Two years before, Trent had reported
all the Ohio tribes secure in the English interest; but the same year an expedi-
tion from Detroit had moved against the recalcitrant Miamis (Twigtwees)>
and after inflicting a severe chastisement had secured them again to the French
control, as Croghan herein reports. Early the following year the French
expedition under Marin had advanced to take forcible possession of the Ohio
country, and begin the chain of posts necessary to its defense.* Presqu'isle
and Le Bceuf had been built, while a deputation under Joncaire had seized
the English trader's house at Venango, and placed a French flag above it. A
large number of the Indians, frightened at this show of force yielded to the
threatenings and cajoleries of the French officers. A small party, hoping to
obtain aid from the English colonists, had sent off a deputation in the autumn
of 1753 to meet the Virginia authorities at Winchester, and those of Pennsyl-
vania at Carlisle, at both of which conferences Croghan was in attendance-
The present which the Assembly of Pennsylvania had voted the preceding May
(Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, p. 617) was cautiously given out, most of it
consisting of powder and lead; it was feared with reason, that it might be used to
the disadvantage of the back settlements. Croghan himself, although using every
endeavor to fortify the Indians in the English alliance, lost heart at the dilatoriness
of the Pennsylvania Assembly, some of whose members even doubted whether
the land invaded did not rightfully belong to the French. He could wish with
all his ' ' hart Some gentleman who is an Artist in Philadelphia, and whos Acount
wold be Depended on, whould have ye Curiosety to take a Journay in those
parts," in order to prove to the province (by means of a map) that the lands
on which the French were building lay within their jurisdiction — (Pennsyl-
vania Archives, ii, p. 132). Meanwhile, Washington had been sent out by Din-
widdie to summon the French to retire. Croghan, who reached this territory
soon after Washington's return, reports in the following journal the conditions
on the Ohio. — Ed.
1754] Croghan s ^Journals 73
informed by John Frazier, an Indian Trader,31 that Mr.
Washington, who was sent by the Governor of Virginia
to the French Camp, was returned. Mr. Washington
told Mr. Frazier that he had been very well used by the
French General; that after he delivered his Message the
General told him his Orders were to take all the English
he found on the Ohio, which Orders he was determined
to obey, and further told him that the English had no
business to trade on the Ohio, for that all the Lands of
Ohio belonged to his Master the King of France, all
to Alegainay Mountain. Mr. Washington told Mr.
Frazier the Fort where he was is very strong, and that
they had Abundance of Provisions, but they would not
let him see their Magazine; there are about one hundred
Soldiers and fifty Workmen at that Fort, and as many
more at the Upper Fort, and about fifty Men at Weningo
with Jean Coeur; the Rest of their Army went home last
Fall, but is to return as soon as possible this Spring;
when they return they are to come down to Log's Town
in order to build a Fort somewhere thereabouts. This
is all I had of Mr. Washington's Journey worth relating
to your Honour.32
31 A year and a half after this visit of Croghan's, Turtle Creek was the site
of Braddock's defeat. For a description of the battle, and the present appear-
ance of the site, see Thwaites, How George Rogers Clark won the Northwest
and other Essays in Western History (Chicago, 1903), pp. 184, 185.
John Frazier, who had his house at the mouth of Turtle Creek, was a Pennsyl-
vania trader, gunsmith, and interpreter, who had lived twelve years at Venango,
whence he was driven by the invading French expedition the summer previous.
He assisted Washington on his journey, and the next year (1754) was com-
missioned lieutenant of the militia forces under Trent's command, that were
to fortify the Forks of the Ohio. — Ed.
32 The journal of Washington on this journey was on his return printed in
Winchester (only two copies of which edition are known to be extant), also in
London (1754). Frequent reprints have been made, and the journal has been
edited by Sparks, Rupp, Craig, Shea, and Ford. The journal of Gist, who
accompanied Washington, is found in Darlington's Gist, pp. 80-87. Croghan
gives a concise summary of Washington's mission and its results. — Ed.
74 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
On the thirteenth I arrived at Shanoppin's Town,
where Mr. Montour and Mr. Patten overtook me.33
On the fourteenth we set off to Log's Town, where we
found the Indians all drunk; the first Salutation we got
was from one of the Shawonese who told Mr. Montour
and myself we were Prisoners, before we had time to
tell them that their Men that were in Prison at Carolina
were released, and that we had two of them in our Com-
pany. The Shawonese have been very uneasy about
those Men that were in Prison, and had not those Men
been released it might have been of very ill consequence at
this time; but as soon as they found their Men were
released they seem'd all overjoyed, and I believe will
prove true to their Alliance.34
On the fifteenth Five Canoes of French came down to
Log's Town in Company with the Half King35 and some
more of the Six Nations, in Number an Ensign, a Ser-
jeant, and Fifteen Soldiers.
33 John Patten was a Pennsylvania Indian trader, who was captured in
the Miami towns by the order of the French governor (1750). He and two
companions were carried to Canada, and afterwards sent to France, being
imprisoned at La Rochelle, whence they appealed to the English ambassador
who secured their release. See New York Colonial Documents, x, p. 241.
Patten had at this time been sent to the Ohio with the Shawnee prisoners
from South Carolina. See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 730, 731. — Ed.
34 Six Shawnee Indians had been arrested on suspicion of being concerned
in a raid, and confined in the Charleston, South Carolina, jail. On the request
of Governor Hamilton, two were released and sent to Philadelphia to be deliv-
ered to their kinsfolk. The other four made their escape. See Pennsylvania
Colonial Records, v, pp. 696-700. — Ed.
35 The Half-King was a prominent Seneca or Mingo chief, whose home was
at Logstown. He was faithful to the English interest, and accompanied Wash-
ington both on his journey of 1753 and his expedition of 1754; upon the latter,
he claimed to have slain Jumonville with his own hand. He was decorated by
the governor of Virginia in recognition of his services, and given the honorary
name of ' ' Dinwiddie ' ' in which he took great pride. When the French secured
the Ohio region, he removed under Croghan's protection to Aughwick Creek,
where he died in October, 1756. — Ed.
1754] Croghan s 'Journals 75
On the sixteenth in the morning Mr. Patten took a
Walk to where the French had pitched their Tents, and
on his returning back by the Officer's Tent he ordered
Mr. Patten to be brought in to him, on which Word came
to the Town that Mr. Patten was taken Prisoner. Mr.
Montour and myself immediately went to where the
French was encamped, where we found the French
Officer and the Half King in a high Dispute. The
Officer told Mr. Montour and Me that he meant no hurt
to Mr. Patton, but wondered he should pass backward
and forward without calling in. The Indians were all
drunk, and seemed very uneasy at the French for stop-
ping Mr. Patten, on which the Officer ordered his Men
on board their Canoes and set off to a small Town of
the Six Nations about two Miles below the Log's Town,
where he intends to stay till the Rest of their Army
come down. As to any particulars that pass'd between
the Officer and Mr. Patten I refer your Honour to Mr.
Patten.
By a Chickisaw Man who has lived amongst the Shawo-
nese since he was a Lad, and is just returned from the
Chickisaw Country36 where he has been making a Visit to
his Friends, we hear that there is a large Body of French
at the Falls of Ohio, not less he says than a thousand Men ;
that they have abundance of Provisions and Powder and
Lead with them, and that they are coming up the River
to meet the Army from Canada coming down. He says
a Canoe with Ten French Men in her came up to the
39 The Chickasaws were a tribe of Southern Indians, domiciled in Western
Tennessee and Northern Mississippi, who were traditional allies of the English
and enemies of the French. After the Natchez War in Louisiana, the remnant
of that tribe took refuge with the Chickasaws, who inflicted a severe defeat upon
the French (1736), capturing and burning a Jesuit priest and several well-known
officers. — Ed.
j 6 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
Lower Shawonese Town with him, but on some of the
English Traders' threatning to take them they set back
that night without telling their Business.
By a message sent here from Fort De Troit by the
Owendats to the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawonese,
we hear that the Ottoways are gathering together on this
Side Lake Erie, several hundreds of them, in order to
cutt off the Shawonese at the Lower Shawonese Town.37
The French and Ottoways offered the Hatchet to the
Owendats but they refused to assist them.
We hear from Scarrooyady that the Twightwees that
went last Spring to Canada to counsel with the French
were returned last Fall; that they had taken hold of the
French Hatchet and were entirely gone back to their old
Towns amongst the French.
From the sixteenth to the twenty-sixth we could do
nothing, the Indians being constantly drunk.
On the twenty sixth the French called the Indians to
Council and made them a Present of Goods. On the
Indians Return the Half King told Mr. Montour and me
he would take an Opportunity to repeat over to Us what
the French said to them.
On the twenty-seventh We called the Indians to Coun-
cil, and cloathed the Two Shawonese according to the
Indian Custom, and delivered them up in Council with
your Honour's Speeches, sent by Mr. Patten, which Mr.
Montour adapted to Indian Forms as much as was in his
Power or mine.
On the twenty-eighth We called the Indians to Council
37 The Ottawas were an Algonquian tribe, domiciled in Michigan about the
posts of Mackinac and Detroit. Faithful to the French interests, they were
doubtless acting under the directions of their commandants in gathering to
attack the Shawnees on the Scioto. — Ed.
1754] Croghan s 'Journals 77
again, and delivered them a large Belt of Black and White
Wampum in Your Honour's and the Governor of Vir-
ginia's Name, by which we desired they might open
their Minds to your Honour, and speak from their Hearts
and not from their Lips; and that they might now inform
your Honour by Mr. Andrew Montour, whom You had
chosen to transact Business between You and your
Brethren at Ohio, whether that Speech which they sent
your Honour by Lewis Montour was agreed on in Council
or not, and assured them they might freely open their
Minds to their Brethren your Honour and the Governor
of Virginia, as the only Friends and Brethren they had
to depend on. Gave the Belt.
After delivering the Belt Mr. Montour gave them the
Goods left in my Care by your Honour's Commissioners
at Carlisle, and at the same time made a Speech to them
to let them know that those Goods were for the Use of
their Warriors and Defence of their Country.
As soon as the Goods were delivered the Half King
made a Speech to the Shawonese and Delawares, and
told them as their Brother Onas had sent them a large
Supply of Necessaries for the Defence of their Country,
that he would put it in their Care till all their Warriors
would have Occasion to call for it, as their Brethren the
English had not yet got a strong House to keep such
Things safe in.
The Thirty-First A Speech delivered by the Half King
in Answer to your Honour's Speeches on delivering the
Shawonese :
' ' Brother Onas : — We return You our hearty Thanks
for the Trouble You have taken in sending for our poor
Relations the Shawonese, and with these four Strings
of Wampum we clear your Eyes and Hearts, that You
78 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
may see your Brothers the Shawonese clear as You used
to do, and not think that any small Disturbance shall
obstruct the Friendship so long subsisting between You
and us your Brethren, the Six Nations, Delawares, and
Shawonese. We will make all Nations that are in Alli-
ance with Us acquainted with the Care You have had of
our People at such a great distance from both You and
Us." — Gave Four Strings of Wampum.
A Speech Delivered by the Hal) King
"Brethren the Governors of Pennsylvania and Vir-
ginia: You desire Us to open our Minds to You and to
speak from our Hearts, which we assure You, Brethren, we
do. You desire We may inform you whether that Speech
sent by Lewis Montour was agreed on in Council or not,
Which we now assure You it was in part ; but that Part
of giving the Lands to pay the Traders' Debts We know
nothing of it; it must have been added by the Traders
that wrote the Letter;38 but we earnestly requested by
that Belt, and likewise we now request that our Brother
the Governor of Virginia may build a Strong House at
the Forks of the Mohongialo, and send some of our young
Brethren, their Warriors, to live on it; and we expect
our Brother of Pennsylvania will build another House
somewhere on the River where he shall think proper,
where whatever assistance he will think proper to send
38 Lewis Montour, a brother of Andrew, had come the previous autumn to
the governor of Pennsylvania, with a message purporting to have been sent by
the Ohio Indians; they were represented as requesting help against the French,
and the building of forts on the river, and as offering all the lands east of the
river to pay the debts of the traders. As the character of those who claimed to
have obtained this treaty was open to suspicion, the governor had sent Croghan
and Andrew Montour to ascertain the truth of the matter. The unauthorized
insertion of so great a land grant, is a good specimen of the methods by which
the unprincipled traders sought to take advantage of the Indians. See Penn-
sylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 691-696. — Ed.
1754] Croghari s 'Journals 79
us may be kept safe for us, as our Enemies are just at
hand, and we do not know what Day they may come
upon Us. We now acquaint our Brethren that we have
our Hatchet in our Hands to strike the Enemy as soon as
our Brethren come to our assistance."
Gave a Belt and Eight Strings of Wampum.
THE HALF KING,
scarrooyady,
Newcomer,
coswentannea,
tonelaguesona,
Shingass,
Delaware George.
After the Chiefs had signed the last Speech, the Half
King repeated over the French Council, which was as
follows :
"Children: I am come here to tell you that your
Father is coming here to visit you and to take You under
his care, and I desire You may not listen to any ill News
You hear, for I assure you he will not hurt You ; 'Tis true
he has something to say to your Brethren the English,
but do you sit still and do not mind what your Father does
to your Brothers, for he will not suffer the English to
live or tread on this River Ohio;" — on which he made
them a Present of Goods.
February the First. — By a Cousin of Mr. Montour's
that came to Log's town in company with a Frenchman
from Weningo by Land, we hear that the French expect
Four Hundred Men every Day to the Fort above Weningo,
and as soon as they come they are to come down the
River to Log's town to take possession from the English
till the rest of the Army comes in the Spring.
The Frenchman that came here in company with Mr.
80 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
Montour's Cousin, is Keeper of the King's Stores, and I
believe the chief of his Business is to take a view of the
Country and to see what Number of English there is
here, and to know how the Indians are affected to the
French.
February the Second. — Just as we were leaving the
Log's Town, the Indians made the following Speech:
"Brethren the Governors of Pennsylvania and Vir-
ginia: we have opened our Hearts to You and let you
know our Minds; we now, by these two Strings of black
Wampum, desire You may directly send to our Assistance
that You and We may secure the Lands of Ohio, for there
is nobody but You our Brethren and ourselves have any
Right to the Lands; but if you do not send immediately
we shall surely be cut of[f] by our Enemy the French." —
Gave two Strings of black Wampum.
February the Second. — A Speech made by Shingass,
King of the Delawares.
"Brother Onas: I am glad to hear all our People
here are of one mind; it is true I live here on the River
Side, which is the French Road, and I assure you by
these Strings of Wampum that I will neither go down or
up, but I will move nearer to my Brethren the English,
where I can keep our Women and Children safe from the
Enemy."39 — Gave Three Strings of Wampum.
39 Shingas, brother of King Beaver, was one of the principal leaders of the
Delaware Indians on the Ohio, where he had a town at the mouth of Beaver
Creek. Shortly after this meeting with Croghan, he deserted to the French
and his braves were a terror to the border settlers. Governor Denny of Pennsyl-
vania set a price of £200 upon his head. Post had a conference with Shingas
(1758), and persuaded him to return to the English alliance; nevertheless, at
the occupation of the Forks of the Ohio by the English, Shingas with his band
retreated to the Muskingum. The last mention of him seems to be in 1762
{Pennsylvania Colonial Records, viii, p. 690), and he appears to have died before
the conspiracy of Pontiac (1763), in which his tribe took part. — Ed.
1754] Crogharis "Journals 81
The above is a true account of our Proceedings, taken
down by Your Honour's most obedient humble Servant.
George Croghan.
3d February, 1754.
The Honourable James Hamilton Esquire.
Croghan to Charles Swaine at Shippensburg40
Aughwick, October 9th, 1755.
Dear Sir: On my return home I met with an Indian
from Ohio who gives me the following accounts: That
about 14 days ago he left Ohio, at that time there was
about 160 Men ready to set out to harrass the English
which probably they be those doing the Mischiefs on
Potomack. He says the French Fort is not very strong
with men at present. He likewise says that he is of
opinion the Indians will do no mischief on the Inhabi-
tants of Pennsylvania till they can draw all the Indians
out of the Province and off Sasquehanna, which they are
now industriously endeavouring to do; and he desires me
as soon as I see the Indians remove from Sasquehanna
back to Ohio to shift my quarters, for he says that the
French will, if possible, lay all the back frontiers in ruins
this Winter.
This man was sent by a few of my old Indian Friends
to give me this caution, that I might save my scalps,
which he says would be no small Prize to the French;
40 This letter is reprinted from Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vi, pp. 642
643. In the interval between this and the preceding document, momentous events,
in which Croghan had a full share, had occurred on the Ohio. The governor of
Virginia had engaged him to act as interpreter in Colonel Washington's army
— see ' • Dinwiddie Papers,' ' Virginia Historical Collections (Richmond, 1883-84),
l, p. 187 — and he had been present at the affair of the Great Meadows. Dur-
ing the period between this and Braddock's expedition, Croghan had been
busily employed in bringing over as many Indians as possible to the English
cause, and he had led the Indian contingent to Braddock's aid (see post).
After the battle of the Monongahela, Croghan returned to his home at Augh-
wick Creek, caring at his own expense for the few Indians who remained firm
in the English interest, and planning to defend his settlement by a stockade
fort. A bill for his relief (he had lost all of his trading equipment) passed
the Pennsylvania Assembly. Although holding no provincial office, his knowl-
edge of the frontier situation was much relied on in this extremity. — Ed.
1755] Croghan' s Journals 83
and he has ordered me to keep it private so that I don't
intend to communicate it to any body but you. I don't
know whether the Governor should be made acquainted
with it or no; but if you judge it proper write the Gover-
nor the whole, but at the same time request him to keep
it a secret from whom he had his Information, for if it
should be made publick to the Interpreters or Indians it
may cost me and the man I had my Information from
our Lives; and, moreover, the best method to frustrate
their Designs will be for the Governor not to let the Indians
know that he is acquainted with their design, but to
conduct the affair privately, so as not to let the Indians
know he has any suspicion of them. Indeed it is only
what I thought the Indians always aimed at, and what
I feared they would accomplish, for I see all our great
Directors of Indian affairs are very short sighted, and
glad I am that I have no hand in Indian affairs at this criti-
cal time, where no fault can be thrown on my shoulders.
I am, Dear Sir, Your most humble Servant,
Geo. Croghan.
To Mr. Charles Swaine.
P. S. — Sir, if you could possibly Lend me 6 guns with
powder, 20 of lead by the bearer, I will return them in
about 15 days, when I can get some from the Mouth of
Conegochege. I hope to have my Stockade finished by
the middle of next week.41 G. C.
41 This stockade fort was built on Aughwick Creek, where stands the present
town of Shirleysburg. It was known first as Fort Croghan, then a private
enterprise; but later in the same year (1755), a fort was built on this site by
order of the government and named for General Shirley, commander-in-chief
of the British forces in North America. Governor Morris wrote, after a visit
to this fort in January, 1756, that seventy-five men were garrisoned therein
(Pennsylvania Archives, ii, p. 556). It was appointed as the rendezvous for
Armstrong's expedition against Kittanning in August of this same year; but by
October 15 the site had grown so dangerous that the governor ordered it aban-
doned.— Ed.
A Council Held at Carlisle, Tuesday the 13TH
January, 1756 42
Present:
The Honourable Robert Hunter Morris,43 Esq.,
Lieutenant Governor.
James Hamilton William Logan, ) -p
Richard Peters, j
Joseph Fox, Esquire, Commissioner,
Mr. Croghan.
Mr. Croghan having been desired by the Governor in
December last to do all in his Power to gain Intelligence
of the Motions and Designs of the Indians, and being
now in Town was sent for into Council, and at the In-
stance of the Governor gave the following Information,
viz: "That he sent Delaware Jo, one of our Friendly
Indians, to the Ohio for Intelligence, who returned to his
House at Aucquick the eighth Instant, and informed
him that he went to Kittannin, an Indian Delaware Town
on the Ohio about forty Miles above Fort Duquesne, the
42 This account of the situation on the Ohio, obtained from the journey of a
Delaware Indian, is reprinted from Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vi, pp. 781,
782. Since the last letter written by Croghan, the Assembly had passed a militia
bill (November, 1755), and Franklin had been commissioned to take charge of
the erection of a series of frontier forts. Croghan was commissioned captain,
and promptly raising a company, entered with zeal upon the work. For his
instructions, see Pennsylvania Archives, ii, p. 536. — Ed.
43 Robert Hunter Morris, son of Lewis Morris, prominent colonial statesman
and governor of New Jersey, was born at Morrisania, New York, about 1700.
Having been educated for the law, he became chief-justice of New Jersey (1738)1
a position held until his death in 1764. The Pennsylvania proprietors chose
him as lieutenant-governor to succeed Hamilton in 1754; during his term of
office he vigorously defended the province, but engaged in constant disputes
with the Quaker party in the Assembly. The annoyance arising from this
caused him to resign in 1756. — Ed.
1756] Croghan s 'Journals 85
Residence of Chingas and Captain Jacobs, where he found
one hundred and forty Men chiefly Delawares and Shawo-
nese, who had then with them above one hundred Eng-
lish Prisoners big and little taken from Virginia and
Pennsylvania.
That there the Beaver,44 Brother of Chingas, told him
that the Governor of Fort Duquesne45 had often offered
the French Hatchet to the Shawonese and Delawares,
who had as often refused it, declaring they would do as
they should be advised by the Six Nations; but that in
April or May last a Party of Six Nation Warriors in
Company with some Caghnawagos48 and Adirondack^
called at the French Fort in their going to War against the
Southern Indians, and on these the Governor of Fort
44 King Beaver (Tamaque) was head chief of the Delaware Indians on the
Ohio, with headquarters at the mouth of Beaver Creek. He was somewhat
half-hearted in the English service, but protested his desire to preserve the
alliance until after Braddock's defeat, when he openly took the hatchet against
the English settlements. Post met him upon the Ohio in 1758, and secured
a conditional agreement to remain neutral; but after the English occupation
of the Forks of the Ohio, he retreated to the Muskingum, where a town was
named for him. He took part in the treaties with the English in 1760 and 1762;
but was one of the ring-leaders in the conspiracy of Pontiac (1763). After
Bouquet's advance into his territory, he reluctantly made peace, and delivered
up his English prisoners. He died about 1770, having in his later years
passed under the influence of the Moravian missionaries, and become one of
their most eminent disciples. — Ed.
45 Fort Duquesne, built at the Forks of the Ohio in 1754, was first com-
manded by Contrecoeur; but in the September following the battle of the
Monongahela, Captain Dumas, who had distinguished himself at that engage-
ment, was made commandant. He was an officer of great ability, and while
he sent out parties against the frontier, his instructions to one subordinate
(Donville, captured in 1756) were to use measures "consistent with honor and
humanity." Dumas was superseded in 1756 by De Ligneris, who remained in
command at Fort Duquesne until ordered to demolish the post, and retire
before Forbes's advancing army (1758). — Ed.
46 The Caghnawagos (Caughnawagas) were the Iroquois of the mission
village of that name, about six miles above Montreal. — Ed.
86 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
Duquesne prevailed to offer the French Hatchet to the
Delawares and Shawonese who received it from them
and went directly against Virginia.
That neither the Beaver nor several others of the Shawo-
nese and Delawares approved of this measure nor had
taken up the Hatchet, and the Beaver believed some of
those who had were sorry for what they had done, and
would be glad to make up Matters with the English.
That from Kittannin he went to the Log's Town, where
he found about one hundred Indians and thirty English
Prisoners taken by the Shawonese living at the Lower
Shawonese Town from the western Frontier of Virginia
and sent up to Log's Town. He was told the same thing
by these Shawonese that the Beaver had told him before
respecting their striking the English by the advise of some
of the Six Nations, and further he was informed that the
French had sollicited the Indians to sell them the English
Prisoners, which they had refused, declaring they would
not dispose of them, but keep them until they should
receive Advice from the Six Nations what to do with them.
That there are more or less of the Six Nations living
with the Shawonese and Delawares in their Towns, and
these always accompanied them in their Incursions upon
the English and took Part with them in the War.
That when at Log's Town, which is near Fort Duquesne,
on the opposite Side of the River, he intended to have
gone there to see what the French were doing in that
Fort, but could not cross the River for the driving of the
Ice ; he was, however, informed the Number of the French
did not exceed four hundred.
That he returned to Kittannin, and there learned that
Ten Delawares were gone to the Sasquehannah, and as
he supposed to persuade those Indians to strike the Eng-
1756] Croghan s 'Journals 87
lish who might perhaps be concerned in the Mischief
lately done in the County of Northampton/7
No more than Seven Indians being as yet come to
Carlisle Mr. Croghan was asked the Reason of it; he said
that the Indians were mostly gone an hunting, but he
expected as many more at least would come in a day or
two.
Mr. Weiser was then sent for and it was taken into
Consideration what should be said to the Indians.
47 This reference is to the massacre of the Moravian settlers at Gnaden-
hutten, in November, 1755. — Ed.
Croghan's Transactions with the Indians Previous
to Hostilities on the Ohio 48
In November 1748 Mr Hamilton arrived in Philadel-
phia, Governor of Pennsylvania. During the late war
48 This paper is reprinted from New York Colonial Documents, vii, pp.
267-271. It accompanied a letter from Croghan to Sir William Johnson, in
which he says, "Inclosed you have a copy of some extracts from my old
journals relating to Indian Affairs, from the time of Mr. Hamilton's arrival
as Governour of this Province till the defeat of General Braddock; all which
you may depend upon are facts, and will appear upon the records of Indian
Affairs in ye several Governments.' '
After Croghan had been commissioned captain by the Pennsylvania authori-
ties, ' ' he continued in Command of one of the Companies he had raised, and
of Fort Shirley on the Western frontier about three months, during which
time he sent, by my direction, Indian Messengers to the Ohio for Intelligence,
but never procured me any that was very material, and having a dispute with
the Commissrs about some accounts between them, in which he thought him-
self ill-used; he resigned his commission, and about a month ago informed me
that he had not received pay upon Gen1 Braddock's warrant, and desired my
recommendation to Gen1 Shirley, which I gave him, and he set off directly
for Albany, & I hear is now at Onondago with Sr Wm Johnson." — (Letter of
Governor Morris, July 5, 1756, in Pennsylvania Archives, ii, pp. 689, 690.)
Sir William Johnson, having more penetration than the Pennsylvania au-
thorities as to the value of Croghan's services, immediately appointed him his
deputy, in which position he continued for several years. When he presented
himself to the governor's council in Philadelphia, December 14, 1756, "the
Council knowing Mr. Croghan's Circumstances was not a little surprised at
the Appointment, and desired to see his Credentials ' ' — {Pennsylvania Colonial
Records, vii, p. 355). In regard to his services during this period, see New
York Colonial Documents, vii, pp. 136, 174, 175, 196, 211, 246, 277, 280; Penn-
sylvania Colonial Records, vii, pp. 435, 465, 484, 506; viii, 175; Pennsylvania
Archives, hi, pp. 319, 544.
Sir William Johnson was born in Ireland in 1715, came to New York at an
early age , and settled as a trader in the Mohawk Valley. He was adopted into
the Iroquois nation, and acquired power in their national councils, retaining
them in the English interest during the French and Indian War. After the
battle of Lake George, Johnson was rewarded with a baronetcy, and secured
the surrender of Niagara in 1759. From that time until his death in 1774, he
was occupied with Indian negotiations, chief of which was the treaty of Fort
Stanwix (1768).— Ed.
i7S7] Croghari s 'Journals 89
all the Indian tribes living on the Ohio and the branches
thereof, on this side Lake Erie, were in strict friendship
with the English in the several Provinces, and took the
greatest care to preserve the friendship then subsisting
between them and us. At that time we carried on a
considerable branch of trade with those Indians for
skins and furrs, no less advantagious to them than to us.
We sold them goods on much better terms than the French,
which drew many Indians over the Lakes to trade with
us. The exports of skins and furs from this Province at
that time will shew the increase of our trade in them
articles.
In August 1749. Governor Hamilton sent me to the
Ohio with a message to the Indians, to notifie to them
the Cessation of Arms, and to enquire of the Indians the
reason of the march of Monsieur Celaroon with two
hundred French soldiers through their country (This
detachment under Monsieur Celaroon had passed by
the Logs Town before I reached it.)
After I had delivered my message to the Indians, I
inquired what the French Commander said to them.
They told me he said he was only come to visit them,
and see how they were cloathed, for their Father the
Governor of Canada was determined to take great care
of all his children settled on the Ohio, and desired they
wou'd turn away all the English traders from amongst
them, for their Father would not suffer them to trade
there any more, but would send traders of his own, who
would trade with them on reasonabler terms than the
English.
I then asked them if they really thought that was the
intention of the French coming at that time: They an-
swered, yes, they believed the French not only wanted
no Early Western Travels [Vol. i
to drive the English traders off, that they might have the
trade to themselves; but that they had also a further
intention by their burrying iron plates with inscriptions
on them in the mouth of every remarkable Creek, which
we know is to steal our country from us. But we will
go to the Onondago Council and consult them how we
may prevent them from defrauding us of our land.
At my return I acquainted the Governor what passed
between the Indians and me.
This year the Governor purchased a tract of land on
the East of Susquehannah for the Proprietaries, at which
time the Indians complained that the White People was
encroaching on their lands on the West side of Susque-
hannah, and desired that the Governor might turn them
off, as those lands were the hunting-grounds of the Susque-
hannah Indians.
At that time the Six Nations delivered a string of Wam-
pum from the Connays, desiring their Brother Onas to
make the Connays some satisfaction for their settlement
at the Connay Town in Donegal,49 which they had lately
left and settled amongst the Susquehannah Indians which
town had been reserved for their use at that time their
Brother Onas had made a purchase of the land adjoining
to that town.
In November [1750] I went to the country of the
Twightwees by order of the Governor with a small
present to renew the chain of friendship, in company
49 Donegal was an old town on the east side of the Susquehanna, situated
between the Conewago and Chiques creeks, in the northwestern angle of the
county of Lancaster (Scull's Map of Pennsylvania), where these Indians have
left their name to the Conoy, or as it is now called, Coney Creek. Memoirs of
the Pennsylvania Historical Society, iv, part ii, p. 210. The Conoys were origi-
nally from Piscataway, in Maryland, whence they moved to an island in the
Potomac, and, on the invitation of William Penn, removed to the Susquehanna —
(Pennsylvania Colonial Records, iv, p. 657). — E. B. O'Callaghan.
1757] Croghan s 'Journals 91
with Mr Montour Interpreter; on our journey we met Mr
Gist, a messenger from the Governor of Virginia, who
was sent to invite the Ohio Indians to meet the Com-
missioners of Virginia at the Logs town in the Spring
following to receive a present of goods which their father
the King of Great Britain had sent them.50 Whilst I
was at the Twightwee town delivering the present and
message, there came several of the Chiefs of the Wawi-
oughtanes and Pianguisha Nations, living on Wabash,
and requested to be admitted into the chain of friendship
between the English and the Six Nations and their allies;
which request I granted & exchang'd deeds of friend-
ship with them, with a view of extending His Majesty's
Indian interest, and made them a small present. On
my return I sent a coppy of my proceedings to the Gover-
nor. On his laying it before the House of Assembly, it
was rejected and myself condemned for bad conduct in
50 Christopher Gist was of English descent, and a native of Maryland. In
early life he removed to the frontiers of North Carolina, where he became so
expert in surveying and woodcraft, that he was employed for two successive
years by the Ohio Company in inspecting and surveying the Western country-
It was on his first journey (1750-51) that he encountered Croghan, when they
travelled together to Pickawillany (the Twigtwee town), and Gist con-
tinued via the Scioto River and the Kentucky country back to Virginia. On
the second journey (1751-52), he explored the West Virginia region. His
most noted adventure was accompanying Major George Washington in
the autumn of 1753 to the French forts in Northwest Pennsylvania. Earlier
in the same year, Gist had made a settlement near Mount Braddock, Fayette
County, Pennsylvania, and under the auspices of the Ohio Company was en-
listing settlers for the region. Eleven came out in the spring of 1754, and a
stockade fort was begun. This was utilized during Washington's campaign,
but burned by the French after the defeat at Great Meadows. Gist later
petitioned the Virginia House of Burgesses for indemnity, but his request was
rejected. Both Gist and his son served with Braddock as scouts, and after
his defeat, raised a company of militia to protect the frontiers. After serving
for a time as deputy Indian agent for the Southern Indians, he died in 1759,
either in South Carolina or Georgia. One of his sons was killed at the battle
of King's Mountain (1780). — Ed.
92 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
drawing an additionall expence on the Government, and
the Indians were neglected.51
At the time that the Secretary, the provincial Interpre-
ter, with the Justice of Cumberland County and the
Sheriff were ordered to dispossess the people settled on
the unpurchased lands on the West side of Susquehannah,
and on their return to my house, they met a deputation
of the Ohio Indians, who told the Secretary that they had
heard of a purchase that the Governor had made on the
East side of Susquehannah, and said they were intitled
to part of the goods paid for that purchase, but had re-
ceived none, that they were come now to desire the
Governor to purchase no more lands without first ac-
quainting them, for that the lands belonged to them as
well as to the Onondago Council ; on which they delivered
a Belt of Wampum, and desired that the Governor might
send that Belt to Onondago to let them know that the
Ohio Indians had made such a complaint.
In April 1751 the Governor sent me to Ohio with a
present of goods; the speeches were all wrote by the
Provincial Interpreter Mr Wiser. In one of the speeches
was warmly expressed that the Govr of Pennsylvania
would build a fort on the Ohio, to protect the Indians,
as well as the English Traders, from the insults of the
French. On the Governor perusing the speech he thought
it too strongly expressed, on which he ordered me not
to make it, but ordered me to sound the Chief of the
Indians on that head, to know whether it would be agree-
able to them or not. Which orders I obeyed, and did in
the presence of Mr Montour sound the Half King Scarioa-
81 For a copy of this treaty see Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 522-
525. In regard to the rejection thereof, note that the governor in the speech
made to the Twigtwees says it is approved. See ante. — Ed.
i7S7] Croghans "Journals 93
day and the Belt of Wampum, who all told me that the
building of a Trading House had been agreed on between
them and the Onondago Council, since the time of the
detachment of French, under the command of Monsr
Celaroon, had gone down the river Ohio, and said they
would send a message by me to their Brother Onas, on
that head.
After I had delivered the present and done the chief
of the business, the Indians in publick Council, by a
Belt of Wampum, requested that the Governor of Pennsyl-
vania would immediately build a strong house (or Fort)
at the Forks of Monongehela, where the Fort Du Quesne
now stands, for the protection of themselves and the
English Traders.
But on my return this Government rejected the pro-
posal I had made, and condemned me for making such
a report to the government, alledging it was not the inten-
tion of the Indians. The Provincial Interpreter, who
being examined by the House of Assembly, denyed that
he knew of any instructions I had to treat with the Indians
for building a Trading House, though he wrote the speech
himself, and further said he was sure the Six Nations
would never agree to have a Trading House built there,
and Governor Hamilton, though he by his letter of in-
structions ordered me to sound the Indians on that head,
let the House know he had given me no such instruc-
tions: all which instructions will appear on the Records
of Indian Affairs.52
62 The records appear to bear out Croghan's contention that he was given
instructions to discuss the erection of a fort. See Pennsylvania Colonial Records,
v, pp. 522, 529. Historians admit that this neglect of the Indians' request was
attended with evil consequences to the English colonies, and Pennsylvania
in particular. Consult Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 537, 547, for the
Indian demand and the Assembly's refusal. — Ed.
94 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
The 12th June 1752, the Virginia Commissioners met
the Indians at the Logs Town and delivered the King's
present to them. The Indians then renewed their request
of having a fort built as the government of Pennsylvania
had taken no notice of their former request to them, and
they insisted strongly on the government of Virginia's
building one in the same place that they had requested
the Pennsylvanians to build one; but to no effect.53
In the year 1753 a French army came to the heads of
Ohio and built fort Preskle on the Lake, and another
fort at the head of Venango Creek, called by the French
Le Buff Rivere.54 Early in the fall the same year about
one hundred Indians from the Ohio came from Winches-
ter in Virginia, expecting to meet the Governor there who
did not come, but ordered Coll. Fairfax to meet them.
Here again they renewed their request of having a Fort
built, and said altho' the French had placed themselves
on the head of Ohio, that if their Brethren the English
would exert themselves and sent out a number of men,
that they would join them, & drive the French army
away or die in the attempt.
From Winchester those Indians came to Cumberland
County where they were met by Commissioners from
Governor Hamilton, and promised the same which they
had done in Virginia;55 but notwithstanding the earnest
solicitations of those Indians, the governments neglected
building them a fort, or assisting them with men; believ-
53 On this conference at Logstown see Dinwiddle Papers, i, pp. 6, 7, 11, 22;
Trent's Journals, pp. 69-81; Gist's Journals, pp. 231-234. — Ed.
64 For the French sources of this expedition see New York Colonial Docu-
ments, x, pp. 255-257; Pennsylvania Archives (2d series), vi, pp. 161-164. — Ed.
66 On the conferences at Winchester and Carlisle (1753), see Pennsylvania
Colonial Records, v, pp. 657, 665-684. — Ed.
1757] Croghans 'Journals 95
ing or seeming to believe that there was no French there;
till the Governor of Virginia sent Col. Washington to the
heads of Venango Creek, where he met the French
General at a fort he had lately built there.
In February 1754, Captain Trent was at the mouth
of Red Stone Creek, building a Store house for the Ohio
Company, in order to lodge stores to be carried from
there to the mouth of Monongehela, by water, where he
had received orders in conjunction with Cresap50 and
Gist to build a fort for that Company. This Creek is
about 37 miles from where fort Du Quesne now stands.
About the 10th of this month he received a Commission
from the Governor of Virginia with orders to raise a
Company of Militia, and that he would soon be joined by
CoJ. Washington. At this time the Indians appointed
to meet him at the mouth of Monongehela in order to
receive a present which he had brought them from Vir-
ginia. Between this time and that appointed to meet the
Indians he raised upwards of twenty men & found them
with arms ammunition & provisions at his own expence.
At this meeting the Indians insisted that he should set
his men at work, which he did, and finished a Store House,
56 Colonel Thomas Cresap was a Yorkshireman who came to Maryland at
an early age. Having settled within the territory in dispute between Maryland
and Pennsylvania, he became an aggressive leader of the forces of the former
and was arrested by the Pennsylvania sheriff of Lancaster, where he spent
several months in jail. Being released by an agreement between the proprie-
tors of the two colonies (1739), he moved westward, and became the first per-
manent settler of Maryland beyond the mountains, taking up land at a deserted
Shawnee village now called Oldtown. An active member of the Ohio Company,
he was assisted by the Indian Nemacolin in blazing the first path west to the
Ohio (1752). After the defeat on the Monongahela, Cresap moved back to
the settlements on Conococheague Creek; but on the return of peace sought his
former location, where he became a noted surveyor and frontiersman. His
son Michael was likewise a well-known borderer and Indian fighter. For a
complete biographical account, see Ohio Archaeological and Historical Publi-
cations (Columbus, 1902), x, pp. 146-164. — Ed.
g6 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
and a large quantity of timber hew'd, boards saw'd, and
shingles made. After finishing his business with the
Indians he stayed some time in expectation of Col.
Washington joining him, as several accounts came of
his being there in a few days. As there was no more
men to be had here at this time, there being no inhabi-
tants in this country but Indian traders who were scat-
tered over the country for several hundred miles, & no
provisions but a little Indian corn to be had, he applied
to the Indians, who had given him reason to believe they
would join him and cut off the French on the Ohio,
but when he proposed it to the Half- King, he told him
that had the Virginians been in earnest they wou'd have
had their men there before that time, and desired him
to get the rest of his men and hurry out the provisions.
Agreeable to his instructions he went and recruited his
company, but before he could get back, it being no
miles from here to the nighest inhabitants, the French
came and drove his people off.
In June following when the Indians heard that Coll.
Washington with a Detachment of the Virginia troops
had reached the great Meadows, the Half-King and
Scaruady with about 50 men joined him — notwithstand-
ing the French were in possession of this country with
six or seven hundred men; so great was their regard for
the English at that time.
After the defeat of Col. Washington, the Indians came
to Virginia, where they stayed some time, & then came
to my house in Pennsylvania and put themselves under
the protection of this Government.
As soon as possible they sent messengers to call down
the heads of the Delawares and Shawnese to a meeting
at my house, and at the same time they desired the Gover-
1757] Crogharis 'Journals 97
nor of this Province, or some Deputy from him, to meet
them there to consult what was best to be done.
The Governor sent Mr Wiser the Provincial Interpre-
ter; the Chiefs of those Indians came down and met him
and offered their service, but it was not accepted by Mr
Wiser. He in answer told them to sit still, till Governor
Morris arrived, and then he himself wou'd come and let
them know what was to be done. They waited there till
very late in the fall, but received no answer, so set off
for their own country.57
This Government continued to maintain the Indians
that lived at my house, till the Spring, when General
Bradock58 arrived; they then desired Governor Morris
to let me know they would not maintain them any longer ;
at which time Governor Morris desired me to take them
to Fort Cumberland to meet General Bradock; which I
did; — On my arrival at Fort Cumberland General Brad-
dock asked me where the rest of the Indians were. I
told him I did not know, I had brought but fifty men
which was all that was at that time under my care, and
which I had brought there by the directions of Governor
Morris. He replied that Governor Dinwiddie told me
[him] at Alexandria that he had sent for 400 which would
be here before me. I answered I knew nothing of that
but that Captain Montour the Virginia Interpreter was
in camp & could inform His Excellency. On which
Montour was sent for who informed the General that
Mr Gist's son was sent off some time agoe for some
67 The official report of these affairs is in Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vi,
pp. 150-161, 180, 181, 186-191. — Ed.
58 On Croghan's relations to Braddock's expedition, see Pennsylvania
Colonial Records, vi, pp. 372, 381, 398; New York Colonial Documents, vi, p.
973.— Ed.
98 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
Cherokee Indians, but whether they would come he
could not tell. On which the General asked me whether
I could not send for some of the Delawares and Shawnese
to Ohio. I told him I could ; on which I sent a messenger
to Ohio, who returned in eight days and brought with
him the Chiefs of the Delawares. The General held
a conference the Chiefs in company with those fifty I had
brought with me, and made them a handsome present, &
behav'd to them as kindly as he possibly could, during
their stay, ordering me to let them want for nothing.
The Delawares promised, in Council, to meet the
General on the road, as he marched out with a number
of their warriors. But whether the former breaches of
faith on the side of the English prevented them, or that
they choose to see the event of the action between General
Braddock and the French, I cannot tell; but they disap-
pointed the General and did not meet him.
Two days after the Delaware Chiefs had left the camp
at Fort Cumberland, Mr Gist's son returned from the
Southward, where he had been sent by Govr Dinwiddie,
but brought no Indians with him.
Soon after, the General was preparing for the march,
with no more Indians than I had with me; when Coll.
Innis59 told the General that the women and children of
the Indians that were to remain at Fort Cumberland,
would be very troublesome, and that the General need
69 Colonel James Innes was an elderly Scotch officer, who had served under
the king's commission in the West Indies, and had settled in North Carolina.
He commanded the contingent from that colony that came to the assistance
of Virginia in 1754. On the death of Colonel Joshua Fry, Dinwiddie appointed
Innes, who was his personal friend, to the position of commander-in-chief of
the colonial army, of which Washington was acting commandant. Innes got
no further than Fort Cumberland, where he remained as commander of the
fort, alternately appealing to his former royal commission, and to his colonial
authorization, for authority to maintain his rank. — Ed.
1757] Croghans 'Journals 99
not take above eight or nine men out with him, for if he
took more he would find them very troublesome on the
march and of no service; on which the General ordered
me to send back all the men, women and children, to my
house in Pennsylvania, except eight or ten, which I should
keep as scouts and to hunt; which I accordingly did.
(Indorsed: "Recd with Sr Wm Johnson's letter of the 25 June,
I757-")
Croghan's Journal, 1760-61 60
October 21st 1760. — In pursuance to my Instructions
I set of[f] from Fort Pitt to join Major Rogers61 at Presqu'
Isle62 in order to proceed with the Detachm* of his Majes-
tys Troops under his Command to take possession of
Fort D'Troit.
25th. — I joined Capt Campbell at Venango who was
60 The years between the last document (1757) and the commencement of this
journey (October 21, 1760) had been eventful ones for the future of American
history. The French and Indian War, which until the close of 1757 had
resulted only in a series of disasters to the English, was pursued with greater
vigor when a change of administration sent able officers and leaders to America.
The evacuation of Fort Duquesne (1758), the capture of Niagara and Quebec
(1759), and the final capitulation of all Canada at Montreal (1760) gave the
mastery of the continent to the English, and opened the portals of the West.
Croghan was occupied during these momentous years with Indian negotiations
of great importance. As deputy of Sir William Johnson, he endeavored to
hold the Six Nations firm in their alliance, to pacify the frontier tribes, and
finally to announce to the expectant savages the English victory, and their
transfer to British authority. In 1757, he was employed in making peace with
the Susquehanna Indians (Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vii, pp. 517-551,
656-714; Pennsylvania Archives, hi, pp. 248, 319; New York Colonial Docu-
ments, vii, pp. 321-324); and made a journey to Fort Loudoun, in Tennessee
to sound the disposition of the Cherokees — {Pennsylvania Colonial Records
vii, pp. 600, 630). His influence was relied upon to pave the way for Forbes's
army (1758), and he was present at the important treaty at Easton, in October
of this year — (Pennsylvania Archives, iii, p. 429; Pennsylvania Colonial
Records, viii, pp. 175-223; Stone, Life of Sir William Johnson, ii, p. 389).
Croghan also accompanied Forbes's expedition, and assisted in pacifying the
Allegheny Indians. The journal in Pennsylvania Archives, iii, pp. 560-563,
designated as Journal of Frederick Post from Pittsburgh, 1758, is really Croghan's
journal, as a comparison with Post's journal for these dates will reveal. Early
in the next year we find Croghan at Fort Pitt, holding constant conferences
with Western Indians (Pennsylvania Colonial Records, viii, pp. 387-391; Penn-
sylvania Archives, iii, pp. 671, 744), where he remained until ordered to join
the expedition sent out under Major Rogers to secure possession of Detroit
and other Western posts, included in the capitulation at Montreal. The diary
of this journey, which we here publish, is reprinted from Massachusetts His-
torical Collections, 4th series, ix, pp. 362-379. Other letters of Croghan's are
1760-1761] Croghans "Journals 101
on his march to Presqu' Isle with a Detachment of the
Royal Americans to join Major Rogers.63
found in the same volume, pp. 246-253, 260, 266, 283-289. These all relate
to Indian affairs, and the information being brought in by his scouts and mes-
sengers of conditions in the country lying westward — of the agitation, alarm ,
and confusion among the Indian hostiles, who were eager to give in their
allegiance to their conquering English "brothers." This journal of the voyage
to Detroit admirably supplements that of Major Robert Rogers, commandant
of the party which Croghan accompanied, whose account has been the standard
authority. It was published in Dublin, 1770, and several reprints have been
issued, the best of which is that edited by Hough, Rogers's Journals, 1 755-1 760
(Albany, 1883).— Ed.
81 Major Robert Rogers, the noted partisan leader, was born in New Hamp-
shire. On the outbreak of the French and Indian War he raised a company
of scouts known as "Rogers's Rangers," who did great service on the New
York frontier. After receiving the surrender of Detroit and attempting in vain
to reach Mackinac, he was again sent to Detroit to relieve the garrison in
Pontiac's War, after which he proceeded against the Cherokees in the South.
About this time he was retired on half pay, and visited England, where he
published his journals, and a Concise Account of North America. In 1766, he
was assigned to the command of the important post of Mackinac, and there
schemed to betray the fort to the Spaniards. The plot having been discovered,
he was tried in Montreal, but secured an acquittal, when he visited England
a second time, only to be thrown into prison for debt. During the Revolution
he led a body of Loyalists, and having been banished from New Hampshire
retired to England (1780), where he died about 1800. — Ed.
62 Fort Presqu' Isle was built by the French expedition under Marin in
the spring of 1753, on the site of the present city of Erie, Pennsylvania. It
was a post of much importance in maintaining the communication between
Niagara, Detroit, and the Forks of the Ohio. After the fall of Fort Duquesne
at the latter site (1758), a large garrison was collected at Fort Presqu' Isle,
and a movement to re-possess the Ohio country was being organized, when
the capture of Niagara (1759) threw the project into confusion. Johnson sent
out a party to relieve the French officer at this place, and a detachment of the
Royal Americans commanded by Colonel Henry Bouquet advanced from Fort
Pitt and took possession of the stronghold. The fort was captured by Indians
during Pontiac's conspiracy (June 17, 1763), as graphically related by Park-
man. After this uprising, a British detachment controlled the place until the
final surrender of the posts to the United States in 1796. Within the same
year, General Anthony Wayne, returning from his fruitful campaign against
the Indians, died in the old blockhouse of the fort. Some remains of the
works are still to be seen at Erie. — Ed.
83 Captain Donald Campbell was a Scotch officer who came to America
with the 62nd regiment in 1756, and was made captain of the Royal Americans
102 Early Western Travels [Vol. r
26th. — I halted at Venango as the French Creek was
very high, to assist in getting the Pack Horses loaded
with Pitch & Blanketts for the Kings service over.64
27th. — Left Venango.
30th.— Got to La'Bauf.65
in 1759. After accompanying this expedition to Detroit (1760), he was left
in command of that post (see letter from Campbell, Massachusetts Historical
Collections, 4th series, ix, p. 382), and when superseded by Major Gladwin
remained as lieutenant-commander. Leaving the fort on an embassy, during
the Pontiac uprising (1763), he was treacherously seized, made captive, and
cruelly murdered by the Indian hostiles. See Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac
(Boston, 185 1), chaps. 11 and 14. — Ed.
64 Marin's expedition (1753), that erected forts Presqu' Isle and Le Bceuf,
intended to plant a fort at Venango, at the junction of French Creek with the
Allegheny; the first detachment sent out for that purpose was, however, repulsed
by the Indians. When Washington visited the place (December, 1753), he
found the French flag flying over the house of an English trader, Frazier, who
had been driven from the spot. The following year, the French built an out-
post on this site, and named it Fort Machault. When Post passed by here in
1758, he found it garrisoned by but six men and a single officer; see post.
The French abandoned Fort Machault in 1759, and early the following spring
the English built Fort Venango, about forty rods nearer the mouth of the creek.
At the outbreak of Pontiac's War, the latter fort was commanded by Lieu-
tenant Gordon, and he with all the garrison were captured, tortured, and
murdered by Indian foes. No fort was rebuilt at this place until late in the
Revolution, when Fort Franklin was erected for the protection of the border,
being garrisoned from 1788-96. The present town of Franklin was laid out
around the post in 1795. — Ed.
85 The French Fort Le Bceuf (technically, "Fort de la Riviere aux Bceufs")
was built by Marin (1753) on a creek of the same name, at the site of the present
town of Waterford, the terminus of the road which Marin caused to be con-
structed south from Presqu' Isle. This was the destination of Washington's
expedition in 1753, and here he met the French commandant, Legardeur de
St. Pierre. The fort at this place was farmed out to a French officer, who
superintended the portage of provisions from Lake Erie to the Ohio. Post
found it garrisoned by about thirty soldiers in 1758; see post. The following
year, after the French had abandoned it, a detachment of the Royal Americans
went forward from Fort Pitt to occupy this stronghold; and three years later
Ensign Price was beleaguered therein by the Indians, and barely escaped with
his life after a brave but futile defense. The Indians destroyed Fort Le Bceuf
by fire, and it was never rebuilt. In 1794, another fort with the same name
was erected near the old site, and garrisoned until after the War of 1812-15.
Subsequently the structure was used as a hotel, until accidentally burned in
1868.— Ed.
1 760-1761] Croghah 's J 'ournals 103
31st. — Arrived at Presqu-Isle where I delivered Major
Rogers his Orders from General Monckton.66
November 3d. — Cap1 Brewer of the Rangers with a
Party of forty Men set of[f ] by Land with the Bullocks with
whom I sent fifteen Indians of different Nations, to pilot
them, with Orders that if they met with any of the Indians
of the Western Nations hunting on the Lake Side to tell
them to come and meet me.67 This Evening we loaded
our Boats & lay on the shore that night.
4th. — We set sail at seven o'clock in the morning &
at three in the afternoon we got to Siney Sipey or Stoney
Creek about ten Leagues from Presqu' Isle where we
went ashore in a fine Harbour and encamped.68
68 General Robert Monckton. a son of the Viscount of Galway, began his
military career by service in Flanders (1742). He came to America about 1750,
and was stationed at Halifax, being appointed governor of Nova Scotia (1754-56).
After being transferred to the Royal Americans (1757), he was at the siege
of Louisburg in 1758, and the following year was made second in command
for the capture of Quebec. Promoted for gallant services, he was placed in
control of the Western department, and had headquarters at Fort Pitt, where
Rogers had been detailed to seek him for orders with reference to the latter's
Western expedition. General Monckton was military governor of New York
City, 1761-63. During that time he made an expedition to the West Indies,
and captured Martinique. Returning to England he was made governor of
Berwick (1766), and later of Portsmouth, which he represented in Parliament.
He refused to take a commission to serve against the Americans in the Revolu-
tionary War. — Ed.
67 Captain David Brewer joined Rogers's Rangers as ensign in 1756, and
three years later was promoted for gallant services on Lake Champlain. He
appears to have been one of the most trusted officers of this company. Rogers
left him to bring up the troops to Presqu' Isle, while he hastened on to Fort
Pitt, at the beginning of the expedition; after the capitulation of Detroit, he
sent the larger portion of the Rangers back to Niagara under Brewer's com-
mand. See Rogers's Journal, pp. 152, 198. — Ed.
98 The topography of this voyage is a disputed question. Croghan is the
only contemporary authority who gives details. Siney Sipey is probably the
present Conneaut Creek, about twenty miles from Presqu' Isle. Rogers says
"by night we had advanced twenty miles." "Sinissippi" is frequently used
for Stoney or Rock Creek; the present Rock River, Illinois, claims that for its
Indian title. In 1761, Sir William Johnson describes this place (without
1 04 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
5th. — At seven o'Clock in the Morning we set sail,
about 12 we were met by about thirty Ottawas who had
an English Flag, they saluted us with a discharge of their
fire Arms, we then put ashore shook hands and smoked
with them out of their Council Pipe, we drank a dram
and then embarked, about two o'Clock arrived at Wajea
Sipery or Crooked Creek, went ashore in a good Harbour
and encamped, this day went about seven Leagues.
After we had encamped I called a meeting of all the Indians
and acquainted them of the Reduction of Montreal,
and agreeable to the Capitulation we were going to take
possession of Fort D'Troit, Misselemakinack, Fort St
Joseph's &c. and carry the French Garrisons away
Prisoners of War & Garrison the Forts with English
Troops, that the French Inhabitants were to remain in
possession of their property on their taking the Oath
of Fidelity to his Majesty King George, and assured them
by a Belt of Wampum that all Nations of Indians should
enjoy a free Trade with their Brethren the English and be
protected in peaceable possession of their hunting Country
as long as they adhered to his Majestys Interest. The
Indians in several Speeches made me, expressed their
satisfaction at exchanging their Fathers the French for
their Brethren the English who they were assured were
much better able to supply them with all necessaries,
and then begged that we might forget every thing that
happened since the commencement of the War, as they
were obliged to serve the French from whom they got all
their necessitys supplyed, that it was necessity and not
choice that made them take part with the French which
naming it) as follows: "Encamped in a very good creek and safe harbor.
The creek about fifty yards wide, and pretty deep; two very steep hills at the
entrance thereof, and the water of it of a very brown color." — Ed.
1760-1761] Croghan's "Journals 105
they confirmed by several Belts and Strings of Wampum.
The principal Man of the Ottawas said on a large Belt
that he had not long to live & said pointing to two Men
1 'those Men I have appointed to transact the Business
of my Tribe, with them you confirmed the Peace last
year when you came up to Pittsburg, I now recommend
them to you, and I beg you may take notice of them and
pity our women and Children as they are poor and naked,
you are able to do it & by pitying their Necessitys you
will win their Hearts." The Speaker then took up the
Pipe of Peace belonging to the Nation and said Brother
to Confirm what we have said to you I give you this
Peace Pipe which is known to all the Nations living in
this Country and when they see it they will know it to be
the Pipe of Peace belonging to our Nation, then [he]
delivered the Pipe.
The principal Man then requested some Powder &
Lead for their young Men to stay there and hunt for the
support of their familys as the Chiefs had agreed to go
with us to D'Troit, and a little Flower which I applyed
to Major Rogers for who chearfully ordered it to me as I
informed him it was necessary & would be for the good
of his Majestys Indian Interest.69
89 Rogers in his Journal places this meeting with the Ottawas on the seventh
instead of the fifth of November, and locates it at "Chogage" River (formerly
supposed to be Cuyahoga, but now thought to be Grand River). Croghan's
account is more detailed, and probably written at the time; while Rogers's
was written or revised later. "Wajea Sipery" is probably Ashtabula Creek,
which is sufficiently crooked in its course to make this name appropriate.
This is the traditional meeting for the first time, with Pontiac, the Ottawa
chief. Parkman's well-known account of the haughty bearing and dignified
demands of this great Indian contrast markedly with Croghan's simpler and
more literal account. In truth, it may be doubted whether this chief was
Pontiac at all, as he here speaks of himself as an old man. Rogers's Journal
makes no mention of any chief, and alludes but incidentally to meeting the
Ottawa band; but in his Concise Account of North America, published in
106 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
6th. — At seven o' Clock we set sail in Company with
the Indians arrived at a pretty large Creek called Onchu-
ago or fire Creek70 about twelve Leagues from Crooked
Creek, where we went ashore and incamped, a fine Har-
bour; here we met seven familys of Ottawa Indians
Hunting.
7 th. — We loaded our Boats, sent of[f] the Battoes with
the Provisions and some Whale Boats to attend them,
but before they had got two Miles they were obliged
to return the Wind springing up so high that no Boat
could live on the Lake. Continued our encampment
here the whole day.
8th 9th & ioth — We continued here the Wind so high
could not put out of the Harbour here the Indians gave
us great quantitys of Bears & Elks Meat, very fat.
nth. — About One o'Clock P.M. set sail, a great swell
in the Lake, at Eight o'Clock got into a little Cove went
ashore & encamped on a fine strand, about six Leagues
London (1765), when the exploits of Pontiac were causing much attention,
Rogers represents himself as having encountered that chief on his way to
Detroit, and that the latter asked him how he dared to enter that country without
his (Pontiac's) leave. This was probably a flight of the imagination, conse-
quent upon his representing the Indian chief as the hero of the tragedy in the
verses he was then preparing, known as Ponteach, or the Savages of America
(London, 1766). See Parkman, Conspiracy 0} Pontiac, i, p. 165, ii, appendix
B. The plain, unadorned account of Croghan, and the begging attitude of
the Ottawa chief, are probably more in accordance with historical verity than
Parkman's and Rogers's more romantic accounts. — Ed.
70 The creek which Croghan calls "Onchuago" was Grand River, whose
Indian name was "Chaeaga" (Sheauga), and which is thus designated on
Evans's map of 1755, and Hutchins's map of 1778. Whittlesey, Early History
0} Cleveland (Cleveland, 1867), thus identifies this stream. Baldwin, in his
"Early Maps of Ohio and the West" Western Reserve Historical Society
Tracts, No. 25, thinks it is the Conneaut Creek; but that would be too far east
to correspond with this description, and the present Geauga County takes its
title from the Indian name of Grand River. — Ed.
1 760-1761] Crog/ian's 'Journals 107
from fire Creek, where Mr Braam with his party had
been some time encamped.71
12th. — At half an hour after Eight A.M. set sail, very
Calm, about 10 came on a great squawl, the Waves run
Mountains high, about half an hour after twelve we got
into Gichawaga Creek where is a fine Harbour, some of
the Battoes were forced a shore on the Strand and re-
ceived considerable damage, some of the flower wet and
the Ammunition Boat allmost staved to Pieces, here we
found several Indians of the Ottawa Nation hunting,
who received us very kindly they being old Acquaintances
of mine, here we overtook Cap1 Brewer of the Rangers
with his party who set of by Land with some Cattle, this
day came about four Leagues.72
13th. — We lay by to mend our Boats.
14th. — The Wind blew so hard we could not set of[f].
This day we were allarmed by one of the Rangers who
reported he saw about Twenty French within a Mile of
our encampment on which I sent out a party of Indians
and Major Rogers a party of Rangers, both party s
returned without discovering any thing, but the
Tracts of two Indians who went out a hunting that
Morning.
15th. — Fine Weather we set sail and at twelve o'Clock
71 Lieutenant Dietrich Brehm (Braam) was a German engineer who came
to America in 1756 with the 32nd regiment (later the 60th or Royal Americans).
Little is known of his military career, save that in the line of promotion he
was captain in 1774, and major in 1783. — Ed.
72 Probably "Gichawaga" was Cuyahoga River, the site of the city of
Cleveland, and a well-known rendezvous of the Ottawa Indians, who had a
village some miles up its banks. Rogers speaks of it as Elk River, which by
some geographers is placed east of Cuyahoga River; but Rogers's list of dis-
tances, allowing for much tacking, would indicate that the expedition had by
this time certainly come as far beyond Grand River as Cuyahoga. — Ed.
108 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
came to Sinquene Thipe or Stony Creek73 where we met
a Wayondott Indian named Togasoady, and his family
a hunting. He informed me he was fifteen days from
D'Troit, that before he left that the French had Accounts
of the reduction of Montreal & that they expected an
English Army from Niagara to D'Troit e^ery day; that
M. Balletre,74 would not believe that the Governor of
Montreal had Capitulated for D'Troit; that he had no
more than fifty soldiers in the Fort; that the Inhabitants
and Indians who were at home were very much afraid
of being plundered by our Soldiers, and he requested
that no outrage might be committed by our soldiers on
the Indian settlements, as the chief of the Indians were
out a hunting. I assured them that there should be no
plundering. This afternoon we came to Nechey Thepy
or two Creeks,75 about Nine Leagues from Gichawga,
73 Stony Creek was the present Rocky River, about five miles west of Cleve-
land. Near this spot a part of Bradstreet's fleet was wrecked in 1764. See
Western Reserve Historical Society Tracts, No. 13. — Ed.
74 Marie Francois Picote, Sieur de Bellestre, was born in 17 19, and when
about ten years of age emigrated with his father to Detroit. Entering the
army, he held a number of commands — in Acadia (1745-46), and at the
Western posts, especially at St. Josephs, where he had much influence over the
Indians. In the Huron revolt (1748), his bravery was especially commended.
During the French and Indian War he led his Indian allies on various raids —
one to Carolina in 1756, where he received a slight wound; and again in New
York against the German Flats (1757). Bellestre was present at Niagara
about the time it was attacked; but Pouchot detailed him to retire with the
detachments from forts Presqu' Isle and Machault to Detroit, and he was
commanding at this post when summoned to surrender to Major Rogers.
After the capitulation of Detroit, he returned to Canada, and became a partisan
of the British power, captured St. John, and defended Chambly against the
Americans in 1775-76. He was made a member of the first legislative council
of the province. — Ed.
75 The encampment for the night of November 15 seems to have been
made between two small creeks that flow into the lake near together, in Dover
Township, Cuyahoga County. — Ed
1760-1761] Croghari s "Journals 109
high banks all the way & most part of it a perpendicular
Rock about 60 feet high.
16th. — a storm so that we could [not] stir.
17 th. — The Wind continued very high, stayed here
this day, set of[f] the Cattle with an escort of Souldiers
and Indians.
18th. — Set Sail came to Oulame Thepy or Vermillion
Creek a narrow Channel about Eight foot Water a large
Harbour when in, about four o'Clock came to Notowacy
Thepy a fine Creek running through a Meadow about
Eighteen foot Water, this day came about seven Leagues;76
here I met three Indians who informed me that the
Deputys I sen! from Fort Pitt had passed by their hunting
Cabin Eight days agoe on their way to D'Troit in order
to deliver the Messages I sent by them to the several
Indian Nations.
19th. — Several Indians came down the Creek to our
encampment and made us a present of dryed Meat, set
of[f], came to the little Lake just as the Cattle set over
from thence, set of[f] from here came to a Creek which
runs through a marchy Meadow, here we encamped,
came this day about six Leagues."
20th.— Mr. Braam set of[f] to D'Troit with a Flag of
Truce and took with him Mr Gamblin a French Gen-
tleman an Inhabitant of D'Troit.78 This day about One
76 Vermillion Creek or River retains its name. The river where the expedi-
tion encamped ("Notowacy Thepy") was probably that now known as the
Huron River, in Erie County, Ohio. Rogers's Journal mentions these rivers
without giving names. — Ed.
77 Rogers names the lake here mentioned, as Sandusky. It is difficult to
tell from this description whether or not the flotilla entered the inner Sandusky
Bay. Probably the encampment for the nineteenth was on the site of the
present city of Sandusky, at Mill or Pipe Creek. — Ed.
78 Medard Gamelin was the son of a French surgeon, and nephew of that
Sieur de la Jemerais who accompanied La VeVendrye on his Western explora-
1 1 o Early Western Travels [Vol. i
o'Clock we met a Canoe of Wayandott Indians who
informed us that the Deputys I sent to ye several Nations
living about Fort D'Troit, from Fort Pitt had got there
and collected the principal Men of the several Nations
together and delivered their Messages which were well
received by the Indians, and that a Deputation of the
Indians were appointed to come with my Deputys to
meet us at that place which was the Carrying place from
Sandusky into the Lake, we put into the Creek called
Crambary Creek, went a shore & encamped to wait the
arrival of those Deputys; we sent over the Carrying place
to two Indian Villages which are within two Miles of
each other to invite the Indians to come & meet the
Deputys at our Camp.79 This day came four Leagues.
21st. — Towards Evening some of the Indians from
the two Villages came to our Camp; just after dark a
Canoe came in sight who immediately saluted us with
three discharges of their fire Arms, which was returned
from our Camp, on their arrival we found them to be
the Deputys sent from the Nations living about D'Troit
with the Deputys I had sent from Fort Pitt, as soon as
they landed the Deputys I had sent introduced them to
Majr Rogers, Cap1 Campbell and myself & said they
had delivered their Messages [to] the several Nations
tions, and died (1735) in the wilderness west of Lake Superior. Gamelin was
born two years before this event. Emigrating to Detroit, he employed himself
in raising and training a militia company composed of the habitants, which he
led to the relief of Niagara (1759). There he was captured and kept a prisoner
until released by the orders of General Amherst in order to accompany Rogers's
expedition, and pacify the settlers at Detroit. He took the oath of allegiance
and remained in that city after its capitulation to the British, dying there about
1778.— Ed.
79 The present Cranberry Creek is east of Sandusky. The creek which
Croghan mentions was some small tributary of Portage River (the Carrying-
place), or directly beyond it. Rogers says they went "to the mouth of a river
in breadth 300 feet," which is evidently Portage River. — Ed.
1 760-1761] Croghans 'Journals 1 1 1
and that the Indians which came with them were come
to return Answers which we should hear in the Morn-
ing & they hoped their answers would be to our expec-
tations after drinking a dram round we dismissed them
& gave them Provisions.
22d. — About 9 o'Clock the Indians met in Council,
though several of their People were in Liquor, & made
several speeches on strings and one Belt of Wampum all
to the following purport.
Brethren: We your Brethren of the several Nations
living in this Country received your Messages well and
return you thanks for sending us word of what has hap-
pened and your coming to remove the French Garrison
out of our Country and putting one there of our Brethren
the English; your Conduct in sending us timely notice
of it is a Confirmation of your sincerity & upright inten-
tions towards us and we are sent here to meet you & bid
you welcome to our Country.
Brethren all our principal Men are met on this side
the French Garrison to shake hands with you in Friend-
ship & have determined in Council to abandon the
French Interest and receive our Brethren the English as
our true Friends & establish a lasting Peace with you &
we expect you will support us and supply us with a fire &
open Trade for the Cloathing of our Women and Chil-
dren. Then they delivered two strings of Wampum to
the Six Nations and Dela wares returning them thanks for
sending Messages to them with the Deputys I had sent
& desired those strings might be delivered to them in
Council. Then the Speaker spoke on a Belt & said
Brethren the Chief of our young People are gone out a
hunting and our Women have put up their Effects &
Corn for the maintainance of their Children in the Houses
112 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
about the French Fort and we know that all Warriors
plunder when they go on those Occasions, we desire by
this Belt that you will give orders that none of our Houses
may be plundered as we are a poor People and cannot
supply our Losses of that kind. Then I acquainted
them of the Reduction of all Canada and the terms of the
Capitulation & when I met their Chiefs I would tell
them on what terms the Peace was confirmed between
all Nations of Indians and us. Then Major Rogers gave
them a string by which he took all the Indians present by
the hand & lead them to D'Troit where he would have
a Conference with them and deliver them some speeches
sent by him to them from General Amherst.80 At 10
o'Clock we embarked sailed about five Leagues and en-
campd on a Beach.
23d. — We embarked sailed about three Leagues and
an half to Ceeder point where is a large Bay, here was
a large encampment of Indians Wayondotts and Ottawas
who insisted on our staying there that day as it was raining
and a large Bay to cross which Major Rogers agreed to.81
80 Rogers's Journal (p. 191), gives his own speech. He indicates in his
account that the Indians were preparing to resist the English advance; but
Croghan does not mention any such suspicions.
General Jeffrey Amherst was an English soldier of much distinction, who
after serving a campaign in Flanders and Germany, was commissioned by
Pitt to take charge of the military operations in America (1758). His first
success was the capture of Louisburg, followed by the campaign of 1759, when
he reduced Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and moved upon Montreal, which
capitulated the following year. He was immediately made governor-general
of the British in North America, received the thanks of Parliament, and was
presented with the order of the Bath. It was in obedience to his orders that
Rogers undertook this westward expedition. Amherst's later career was a
succession of honors, emoluments, and high appointments in the British army.
He opposed the cause of the colonies during the American Revolution. Late
in life he was field-marshal of the British army, dying (1797) at his estate in
Kent, as Baron Amherst of Montreal. — Ed.
81 Cedar Point is at the southeastern entrance of Maumee Bay. Rogers's
Journal for November 23 says that an Ottawa sachem came into their camp;
possibly this was Pontiac. — Ed.
1760-1761] Croghan s 'Journals 113
24th. — We set of[f] at Eight o'Clock across the Bay
in which is an Island the day was so foggy that the Drum
was obliged to beat all day to keep the Boats together, this
day we went about Eight Leagues. Where we encamped
there came to us five Indian familys.
25 th. — The Indians desired Major Rogers would order
the Boats into a Cove as it was likely to be bad Weather &
lay by that day & they would send some men to where
their Chiefs were collected to hear News which was
agreed to.82
26th. — The Wind blew so hard that we could not put
out of the Cove, the Messengers the Indians sent returned
and informed us that the French were very angry with
the Indian Nations for meeting us and threatned to
burn their Towns; that the Commanding Officer would
not let us come to D'Troit till he received his Orders
from the Governor of Canada and the Capitulation to
which we answered the Indians that they might depend
on it, that if any damage was done them by the French
that we would see the damage repaired.
27th. — In the Morning a Cannoe with two Interpreters
and four French came to our Camp with Letters from
Monsieur Balletre. We decamped and came into the
mouth of the River where we met the Chief of the Wayon-
dotts, Ottawas & Putawatimes who bid us welcome to
their Country and joined us, we went up the River about
6 miles where we met a French Officer who hoisted a Flag
of Truce and beat a parley here we encamped on an
Island and sent for the French Officer who delivered his
Messages.
82 From the distances given in Rogers's Journal it would appear that
the expedition encamped the twenty-fifth and twenty-sixth in the entrance
of Swan Creek, Monroe County, Michigan, a short distance north of Stony
Point.— Ed.
114 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
28th. — Capt. Campbell was sent of[f] with a Flag of
Truce to give M. Balletre his orders to give up the Place
soon after we set of[f] up the River and encamped at an
Indian Village, at Night Capt. Campbell joined us and
informed us that Monsieur Balletre behaved very politely
on seeing M. Vaudreuils83 Orders & desired we would
proceed the next day and take possession of the Fort &
Country.
29th. — We set of[f] and arrived about twelve o'Clock
at the place where we landed and sent and relieved the
Garrison.
30th. — Part of the Militia lay down their Arms and
took the Oath of Fidelity.
December ist. — The rest of the Militia layed down
their Arms and took the Oath of Fidelity.
2d. — Lieu* Holms was sent of[f] with M. Balletre and
the French Garrison with whom I sent 1 5 English Prison-
ers which I got from the Indians.
3d. — In the Morning the principal Indians of 3 different
Nations came to my Lodgings & made the following
Speech on a Belt of Wampum.
Brethren: — You have now taken possession of this
Country, While the French lived here they kept a smith
to mend our Guns and Hatchets and a Doctor to attend
83 Pierre Francois Rigault, Chevalier de Cavagnal, Marquis de Vaudreuil,
was Canadian born, and entered the military service at an early age. In 1728
he was in the present Wisconsin on an expedition against the Fox Indians;
some years later, he was governor at Trois Rivieres, and in 1743 was sent to
command in Louisiana, where he remained nine years, until appointed governor
of New France, just before the outbreak of the French and Indian War. As
the last French governor of Canada, his term of service was embittered by
quarrels with the French generals, and disasters to French arms. After his
capitulation at Montreal, he went to France, only to be arrested, thrown into
the Bastile, and tried for malfeasance in office. He succeeded in securing an
acquittal (1763); but, broken by disappointments and enmities, died the follow-
ing year. — Ed.
1760-1761] Crogharis Journals 115
our People when sick, we expect you will do the same
and as no doubt you have something to say to us from
the English General and Sir William Johnson we would
be glad [to know] how soon you would go on business as
this is our hunting season.
Fort D'Troit December 4th 1760. We met the Wayon-
dotts, Putawatimes and Ottawas84 in the Council House,
with several of the principal Men of the Ohio Indians
who accompanied his Majestys Forces there when the
following speeches were made to them.
Brethren Chiefs & Warriors of the Several
Nations now Present : You have been made acquaint-
ed with the success of his Majestys Arms under the Com-
mand of his Excellency General Amherst and the Reduc-
tion of all Canada & now you are Eye Witnesses to the
surrender of this place agreeable to the Capitulation as I
sent you word before the arrival of his Majestys Troops;
you see now your Fathers are become British Subjects,
you are therefore desired to look on them as such & not
to think them a separate People; and as long as you ad-
here to his Majestys Interest and behave yoursel[ves]
well to all his subjects as faithfull allies, you may depend
on having a free open Trade with your Brethren the
English & be protected by his Majesty King George now
your Father & my Master. — A Belt.
Brethren : At a Conference held with several Chiefs &
Deputys of your several Nations at Pittsburg this Sum-
mer, you told me that all our Prisoners which have been
taken since the War, yet remaining in your possession
84 The Potawotami Indians are an Algonquian tribe, being fir* encountered
by French explorers on the borders of Green Bay; but later, they had villages
at Detroit, St. Josephs River (southeast Michigan), and Milwaukee. They
were devoted to the French interests, and easily attracted to the vicinity of
the French posts. For the Wyandots (Hurons) and Ottawas, see ante. — Ed.
1 1 6 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
were then set at Liberty to return home if they pleased,
now I have received by Major Rogers the Commanding
Officer here, General Amherst and Sir William Johnson's
Orders to demand due performance of your promise &
desire that you may forthwith deliver them up as that is
the only way you can convince us of your sincerity and
future intentions of living in Friendship with all his
Majestys Subjects in the several British Colonies in
America. — A belt.
Brethren: On Condition of your performance of
what has been said to you I by this Belt renew and
brighten the Ancient Chain of Friendship between his
Majestys Subjects, the Six United Nations and our
Brethren of the several Western Nations to the Sun set-
ting and wish it may continue as long as the Sun and
Moon give light. — A belt.
Brethren: As my orders are to return to Pittsburg
I now recommend Capt. Campbel to you as he is appointed
by his Majestys Commander in Chief to be Governour
of this place, with him you must transact the publick
business and you may depend he will do you all the ser-
vice in his power and see that justice is done you in
Trade.— A belt.
Brethren Chiefs and Warriors: As the Ancient
Friendship that long subsisted between our Ancestors
is now renewed I was[h] the Blood of[f] the Earth, that
has been shed since the present War, that you may smell
the sweet scent of the Springing Herbs & bury the War
Hatchet in the Bottomless Pitt. — A belt.
Brethren: I know your Warriors have all a martial
spirit & must be employed at War & if they want diver-
sion after the fatigue of hunting there is your natural
Enemies the Cherookees with whom you have been long
1760-1761] Crogharis "Journals 117
at War, there your Warriors will find diversion & there
they may go, they have no other place to go, as all Nations
else are become the subjects of Great Britain. — A belt.
Brethren: As I command this Garrison for his
Majesty King George I must acquaint you that all the
Settlers living in this Country are my Master's -subjects
therefore I take this opportunity to desire you our Brethren
of the several Nations not to take any of their Effects from
them by force, nor kill or steal any of their Cattle, as I
shall look on any insult of that kind as if done to me, as
they are under my protection. I desire you will encourage
your young Men to hunt and bring their Meat to me for
which they shall be paid in Powder and Lead. — A belt.
Major Rogers acquainted the Indians that he was going
to Misselemaknach to relieve that Garrison and desired
some of their young Men to go with him, whom he would
pay for their Services and that he was sending an Officer
to S*' Josephs and the Waweoughtannes85 to relieve their
Post & bring of[f] the French Garrisons & desired they
85 The French fort of St. Josephs was established early in the eighteenth
century, on the right bank of the river of that name, about a mile from the
present city of Niles, Michigan. Its commandant was the "farmer" of the
post — that is, he was entitled to what profits he could win from the Indian
trade, and paid his own expenses. After the British took possession of this
fort, it was garrisoned by a small detachment of the Royal Americans. When
Pontiac's War broke out, but fourteen soldiers were at the place, with Ensign
Schlosser in command. The fort was captured and eleven of the garrison
killed, the rest being carried prisoners to Detroit. During the Revolution,
Fort St. Josephs was three times taken from the British — twice by parties
from the Illinois led by French traders (in 1777, and again in 1778); and in
1 781, a Spanish expedition set out from St. Louis to capture the stronghold,
and take possession of this region for Spain. See Mason, Chapters from
Illinois History (Chicago, 1901). The United States failed to garrison St.
Josephs when the British forts were surrendered in 1796, and built instead
(1804) Fort Dearborn at Chicago.
Ouiatonon (Waweoughtannes) was situated at the head of navigation on
the Wabash River, not far from the present city of Lafayette, Indiana. The
French founded this post about ^19, among a tribe of the same name (called
1 1 8 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
would send some of their young Men with him who
should likewise be paid for their services. — A belt.
Then we acquainted them by a string that as they had
requested a Smith to mend their Guns as usual & the
Doctor to attend their sick that it was granted till the
Generals pleasure was known. — A string.
December the 4th. — A Principal Man of the Wayon-
dotts spoke and said Brethren we have heard and con-
sidered what you said to us yesterday and are met this
day to return you an answer agreeable to our promise.
The Wayondott Speaker addressed his speech to
Major Rogers, Capt Campbel and myself.
Brethren: We have heard what you said to us
yesterday, we are like a lost People, as we have lost many
of our principal Men, & we hope you will excuse us if
we should make any Mistakes, but we assure you our
Hearts are good towards our Brethren the English when
your General and Sir William Johnson took all Canada
they ordered you to send us Word, we received your
Messages & we see, by your removing the French in the
manner you have from here, that what you said to us by
your Messengers is true. Brethren be it so, and continue
as you have begun for the good of us all. All the Indians
in this Country are Allies to each other and as one People,
what you have said to us is very agreeable & we hope
you will continue to strengthen the Ancient Chain of
Friendship. — A belt.
Weas by the English); and kept an officer stationed there until its surrender
to the English party sent out by Rogers (1761). The small garrison under
command of Lieutenant Jenkins was captured at the outbreak of Pontiac's
conspiracy; but through the intervention of French traders their lives were
spared, while the fort was destroyed by burning, and never rebuilt. See Craig,
"Ouiatonon," Indiana Historical Society Collections (Indianapolis, 1886),
v, ii. See also Croghan's description when he passed here five years later,
post. — Ed.
1 760-1761] Croghah 's J 'ournals 119
You desired us yesterday to perform our promise &
deliver up your Prisoners, it is very true we did promise
to deliver them up, and have since delivered up many,
what would you have us do there is very few here at
present they are all yours & you shall have them as soon
as possible tho' we do not choose to force them that have
a mind to live with us. — A belt.
Brethren: Yesterday you renewed and brightened
the Ancient Chain of Friendship between our Ancestors
the Six Nations & you. Brethren I am glad to hear that
you our Brethren the English and the Six Nations have
renewed and strengthened the Ancient Chain of Friend-
ship subsisting between us, & we assure you that if ever
it be broke it will be on your side, and it is in your power
as you are an able People to preserve it, for while this
Friendship is preserved we shall be a strong Body of
People, and do not let a small matter make a difference
between us. — A belt.
Brethren: Yesterday you desired us to be strong
and preserve the Chain of Friendship free from rust,
Brethren look on this Friendship Belt where we have the
Six Nations and you by the hand; this Belt was delivered
us by our Brethren the English & Six Nations when first
you came over the great Water, that we might gojk
pass to Trade where we pleased & you likewise with us,
this Belt we preserve that our Children unborn may
know.
Brethren: We heard what you said yesterday it
was all good but we expected two things more, first that
you would have put it out of the power of the Evil Spirit
to hurt the Chain of Friendship, and secondly that you
would have settled the prices of goods that we might
have them cheaper from you than we had from the
1 20 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
French as you have often told us. Brethren you have
renewed the Old Friendship yesterday, the Ancient
Chain is now become bright, it is new to our young Men,
and Brethren we now take a faster hold of it than ever
we had & hope it may be preserved free from rust to our
posterity. — A belt [of] 9 rows.
Brethren: This Belt is from our Warriors in behalf
of our Women & Children and they desire of us to request
of you to be strong & see that they have goods cheap
from your Traders & not be oppressed as they have been
by the French.86 — A belt [of] 7 rows.
Brethren: — Shewing two Medals those we had from
you as a token that we might remember our Friendship
whenever we should meet in the Woods and smoke under
the Tree of Peace, we preserved your token and hope
you remember your promise, it was then said that this
Country was given by God to the Indians & that you
would preserve it for our joint use where we first met
under a shade as there were no Houses in those times.
The same speaker addressing himself to the six Na-
tions.
Brethren : I am very glad to hear what our Brethren
the English have said to us, and I now send this string by
you, and take the Chiefs of the six Nations by the hand
to come here to Council next spring.
Brother addressing himself to me
You have been employed by the King and Sir William
Johnson amongst many Nations of Indians in settling
this Peace, now you are sent here where our Council fire is,
88 The speculation and corruption of the French officers at the Western
posts, was notorious. Bellestre was not free from suspicions of taking advan-
tage of his official position to exploit the Indian trade. See Farmer, History
of Detroit and Michigan (Detroit, 1884), p. 766. — Ed.
1 760-1761] Croghah 's J 'our rials 121
the Smoke of which ascends to the Skies you are going
away and all Nations to the Sun sitting are to meet here
to see their Brethren the English in possession of this
place and we desire that you may stay here till that Coun-
cil, that you may take your Master Word of what is to
be transacted here. — A belt.
Brethren: By this String we request you will con-
sider it will be difficult for us to understand each other.
It would be agreeable to us if you would continue our old
Interpreter as he understands our Language well. — A
string.
December the 5 th the Principal Man of the Putawatimes
spoke
Brethren: Yesterday our Uncles of the Six Nations
spoke to you for us all ; do not be surprised at it, they have
more understanding in Council affairs than us, we have
employed them to speak for us all, and Confirm what
they have said by this Belt. — A belt.
Brethren: Be strong and bring large quantitys of
goods to supply us & we will bring all our Furs to this
place. We are glad you acquainted us that the Inhabi-
tants of French here are become English subjects, we shall
look on them as such for the future and treat them as our
Brethren. — A belt.
Brethren: Our Uncles gave us this String of Wam-
pum and desired us to be strong and hunt for you, we
should be glad [if] you would fix the price to be given
for a Deer of Meat, then insisted strongly that the six
Nation Deputys should press their Chiefs to attend the
General meeting to be held here in the spring by a Belt.
The principal Man of the Ottawas got up and made
two speeches to the same purport as above.
Then I made them the following speech.
122 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
Brethren : I return you thanks for the several affec-
tionate speeches you made us yesterday. To day it is
agreed that he [the interpreter] be continued till General
Amherst and Sir William Johnson's pleasure be known;
you likewise desired I might stay here till your General
Meeting in the Spring, I am not my own Master so
you must excuse me till I receive further Orders. — A belt.
Then the Present of Goods was delivered to each
Nation in his Majestys Name, for which they returned
their hearty thanks.
Then Major Rogers spoke to them.
Brethren : I return you thanks for your readiness in
joining his Majestys Troops under my Command, on my
way here, as I soon set out to execute my orders and
relieve the Garrison of Misselemakinach I take this
opportunity of taking my leave of you, and you may be
assured I will acquaint General Amherst and Sir William
Johnson of the kind reception I have met with amongst
your Nations and recommend your services. — A belt.
Then the Council fire was covered up & the Confer-
ence ended.
7 th. — Mr Butler of the Rangers set of[f] with an officer &
party to relieve the Garrison at the Milineys87 [Miamis]
87 The French fort among the Miamis (English, Twigtwees) was situated
on the Maumee River, near the present site of Fort Wayne. The date of its
founding is in doubt; but the elder Vincennes was there in 1704, and soon
after this frequent mention is made of its commandants. During the revolt
of the French Indians (1748), the fort was partially burned. When Celoron
passed, the succeeding year, he described it as in a bad condition, and located
on an unhealthful site. About this time, the Miamis removed to the Great
Miami River, and permitted the English to build a fortified trading house at
Pickawillany. But an expedition sent out from Detroit chastised these recalci-
trants, and brought them back to their former abode, about Fort Miami —
which latter is described (1757) as protected with palisades, on the right bank
of the river. The garrison of the Rangers sent out by Rogers from Detroit
to secure this post, was later replaced by a small detachment of the Royal
1 760-1761] Croghari s Journals
with whom I sent an Interpreter and gave him Wampum
and such other things as was necessary for his Journey
and Instructions in what manner to speak to the Indians
in those parts.
The 8th. — Major Rogers set of[f] for Misselemachinack
with whom I sent Cap1 Montour and four Indians who
were well acquainted with the Country and the Indian
Nations that Inhabit it.88
The 9th & 10th.— Capt Campble assembled all the In-
habitants and read the Act of Parliament to them &
setled matters with them to his satisfaction, they agree-
ing to ye billiting of Troops and furnishing fire Wood &
Provisions for the Garrison, and indeed every thing in
their power for his Majestys service.
The 1 1 th. — In the Evening Capt. Campble finished his
Letters when I set off leaving him what Wampum, Silver
Truck & Goods I had for the Indian service.
The 16th. — We came to the little Lake called Sandusky
which we found froze over so as not to be passable for
some days.
The 22d. — We crossed the little Lake on the Ice which
is about 6 Miles over to an Indian Village where we
found our Horses which we sent from D'Troit, there
Americans, under command of Lieutenant Robert Holmes, who notified Glad-
win of Pontiac's conspiracy, but nevertheless himself fell a victim thereto.
See Morris's Journal, post. The fort destroyed at this time was not rebuilt.
Croghan (1765) speaks of it as ruinous. In the Indian wars of the Northwest,
Wayne, perceiving its strategic importance, built at this site the fort named in
his honor (1794), whence arose the present city. — Ed.
88 The expedition of Major Rogers to relieve the French at Mackinac,
failed because of the lateness of the season, and the consequent ice in Lake
Huron. Rogers returned to Detroit December 21, and two days later left for
Pittsburg, where he arrived January 23, 1761, after a land march of just
one month. The fort at Mackinac was delivered over to an English detach-
ment under command of Captain Balfour of the Royal Americans, September
28, 1761. — Ed.
I 24 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
were but five Indians at home all the rest being gone a
hunting.
23d. — We came to Chenunda an Indian Village 6 miles
from Sandusky.89
24th. — We stayed to hunt up some Horses.
25 th. — We came to the Principal Mans hunting Cabin
about 16 miles from Chenunda level Road and clear
Woods, several Savannahs.
26th. — We came to Mohicken Village, this day, we
crossed several small Creeks all branches of Muskingum,
level Road, pretty clear Woods about 30 Miles, the Indians
were all out a hunting except one family.
27 th. — We halted, it rained all day.
28th. — We set of[f], it snowed all day & come to
another branch of Muskingum about 9 Miles good
Road where we stayed the 29th for a Cannoe to put us
over, the Creek being very high.
30th. — We set of[f] and came to another branch of
Muskingum about 11 Miles and the 31st we fell a Tree
over the Creek and carry ed over our Baggage and en-
camped about one Mile up a Run.
January the ist. — We travelled about 16 Miles clear
woods & level Road to a place called the Sugar Cabins.
2d. — We came about 12 Miles to the Beavers Town
clear Woods and good Road.
3d. — Crossed Muskingum Creek and encamped in a
fine bottom on this side the Creek.
4th. — Set of[f] and travelled about 20 Miles up a branch
of Muskingum good Road.
89 The place here mentioned was a Wyandot town shown on Hutchins's
map (1778). Probably this was the village of the chief Nicholas, founded in
1747 during his revolt from the French. See Weiser's Journal, ante. — Ed.
1 760-1761] Croghan s "Journals 125
5 th. — Travelled about 18 Miles and crossed a branch
of little Beaver Creek clear Woods & good Road.
6th. — Travelled about Eighteen Miles and crossed two
Branches of little Beaver Creek good Road & Clear
Woods.
7th. — Crossed the mouth of big Beaver Creek at an
Indian Village and came to Pittsburg about 25 Miles
good Road & Clear Woods.90
80 Croghan returned to Pittsburg by the "great trail," a famous Indian
thoroughfare leading from the Forks of the Ohio to Detroit. For a description
of this route, see Hulbert, Indian Thoroughfares (Cleveland, 1902), p. 107;
and in more detail his article in Ohio Archaeological and Historical Society
Publications (Columbus, 1899), viii, p. 276.
Mohican John's village was on White Woman's Creek, near the site of
Reedsburg, Ohio. Beaver's Town was at the junction of the Tuscarawas and
the Big Sandy, the antecedent of the present Bolivar; for the town at the mouth
of Big Beaver Creek, see Weiser's Journal, ante. — Ed.
Croghan's Journal, i 765 91
May 15th, 1765. — I set off from fort Pitt with two
batteaux, and encamped at Chartier's Island, in the Ohio,
three miles below Fort Pitt.92
1 6th. — Being joined by the deputies of the Senecas,
Shawnesse, and Delawares, that were to accompany me,
91 The manuscript of the journal that we here reprint came into the posses-
sion of George William Featherstonhaugh, a noted English geologist who came
to the United States in the early nineteenth century and edited a geological
magazine in Philadelphia. He first published the document therein (The
Monthly Journal of American Geology), in the number for December, 1831.
It appeared again in a pamphlet, published at Burlington, N. J. (no date); and
Mann Butler thought it of sufficient consequence to be introduced into the
appendix to his History 0} Kentucky (Cincinnati and Louisville, 2nd ed., 1836).
Another version of this journey (which we may call the official version), also
written by Croghan, was sent by Sir William Johnson to the lords of trade, and
is published in New York Colonial Documents, vii, pp. 779-788. Hildreth pub-
lished a variant of the second (official) version "from an original MS. among
Colonel Morgan's papers," in his Pioneer History of the Ohio Valley (Cincinnati,
1848) . The two versions supplement each other. The first was evidently written
for some persons interested in lands in the Western country — their fertility,
products, and general aspects; therefore Croghan herein confines himself to
general topographical description, and omits his journey towards the Illinois,
his meeting with Pontiac, and all Indian negotiations. The official report,
on the other hand, abbreviates greatly the account of the journey and the
appearance of the country, and concerns itself with Indian affairs and historical
events. We have in the present publication combined the two journals, indi-
cating in foot-notes the important variations; but the bulk of the narrative is
a reprint of the Featherstonhaugh-Butler version.
With regard to the circumstances under which the official journal was
transcribed, Johnson makes the following explanation in his letter to the board
of trade (New York Colonial Documents, vii, p. 775): "I have selected the prin-
cipal parts [of this journal] which I now inclose to your Lordships, the whole of
his Journal is long and not yet collected because after he was made Prisoner, &
lost his Baggage &ca. he was necessitated to write it on Scraps of Paper procured
with difficulty at Post Vincent, and that in a disguised Character to prevent
its being understood by the French in case through any disaster he might be
again plundered."
The importance of this journal for the study of Western history has fre-
quently been noted. Parkman used it extensively in his Conspiracy oj Pontiac.
1765] Croghan s "Journals 127
we set off at seven o'clock in the morning, and at ten
o'clock arrived at the Logs Town, an old settlement of
the Shawnesse, about seventeen miles from Fort Pitt,
where we put ashore, and viewed the remains of that
village, which was situated on a high bank, on the south
side of the Ohio river, a fine fertile country round it. At
1 1 o'clock we re-embarked and proceeded down the Ohio
to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, about ten miles below
the Logs Town: this creek empties itself between two
fine rich bottoms, a mile wide on each side from the banks
of the river to the highlands. About a mile below the
mouth of Beaver Creek we passed an old settlement of the
Delawares, where the French, in 1756, built a town for
that nation. On the north side of the river some of the
stone chimneys are yet remaining; here the highlands
come close to the banks and continue so for about five
miles. After which we passed several spacious bottoms
on each side of the river, and came to Little Beaver
Creek, about fifteen miles below Big Beaver Creek. A
number of small rivulets fall into the river on each side.
From thence we sailed to Yellow Creek,93 being about
Winsor in his Critical and Narrative History of America, v, p. 704, note, first
pointed out in some detail the differences between the two versions. He errs,
however, in confusing the letters Croghan wrote from Vincennes and Ouiatonon.
Many secondary authorities also wrongly aver that Croghan on this journey
went as far as Fort Chartres. — Ed.
92 Croghan arrived at Fort Pitt, February 28, 1765, and from then until his
departure was constantly occupied with Indian transactions in preparation for
his journey. See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, ix, pp. 250-264; also Withers's
Early History 0} Western Pennsylvania, app., pp. 166-179. — Ed.
93 Little Beaver Creek (near the western border of Pennsylvania) and Yellow
Creek (in Ohio) were much frequented by Indians. On the former, Half King
had a hunting cabin. Logan, the noted Mingo chief, lived at the mouth of
the latter. Opposite, upon the Virginia shore, occurred the massacre of Logan's
family (April 30, 1774), which was one of the opening events of Lord Dun-
more's War. See Withers's Chronicles of Border Warfare (Thwaites's ed.,
Cincinnati, 1895), p. 150, notes. — Ed.
128 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
fifteen miles from the last mentioned creek; here and
there the hills come close to the banks of the river on each
side, but where there are bottoms, they are very large,
and well watered; numbers of small rivulets running
through them, falling into the Ohio on both sides. We
encamped on the river bank, and found a great part of the
trees in the bottom are covered with grape vines. This
day we passed by eleven islands, one of which being about
seven miles long. For the most part of the way we made
this day, the banks of the river are high and steep. The
course of the Ohio from Fort Pitt to the mouth of Beaver
Creek inclines to the north-west; from thence to the two
creeks partly due west.
17th. — At 6 o'clock in the morning we embarked: and
were delighted with the prospect of a fine open country
on each side of the river as we passed down. We came
to a place called the Two Creeks, about fifteen miles from
Yellow Creek, where we put to shore; here the Senecas
have a village on a high bank, on the north side of the
river; the chief of this village offered me his service to go
with me to the Illinois, which I could not refuse for fear
of giving him offence, although I had a sufficient number
of deputies with me already.94 From thence we pro-
ceeded down the river, passed many large, rich, and fine
bottoms; the highlands being at a considerable distance
94 The village here described was Mingo Town on Mingo bottom, situated
at the present Mingo Junction, Ohio. It is not to be confused with the Mingo
bottom opposite the mouth of Yellow Creek. The former town was prominent
as a rendezvous for border war-parties in the Revolutionary period. From this
point, started the rabble that massacred the Moravian Indians in 1782. Colonel
Crawford set out from here, in May of the same year, on his ill-fated expedition
against the Sandusky Indians. See Withers's Chronicles, chap. 13.
Possibly the chief who joined Croghan at this point was Logan, since
the former had known him in his earlier home on the Susquehanna, near
Sunbury. — Ed.
1765] Croghans Journals 129
from the river banks, till we came to the Buffalo Creek,
being about ten miles below the Seneca village ; and from
Buffalo Creek, we proceeded down the river to Fat Meat
Creek, about thirty miles.95 The face of the country
appears much like what we met with before ; large, rich, and
well watered bottoms, then succeeded by the hills pinch-
ing close on the river; these bottoms, on the north side,
appear rather low, and consequently subject to inunda-
tions, in the spring of the year, when there never fail to be
high freshes in the Ohio, owing to the melting of the snows.
This day we passed by ten fine islands, though the greatest
part of them are small. They lay much higher out of
the water than the main land, and of course less subject
to be flooded by the freshes. At night we encamped near
an Indian village. The general course of the river from the
Two Creeks to Fat Meat Creek inclines to the southwest.
18th. — At 6 o'clock, A.M. we set off in our batteaux;
the country on both sides of the river appears delightful;
the hills are several miles from the river banks, and con-
sequently the bottoms large; the soil, timber, and banks
of the river, much like those we have before described;
about fifty miles below Fat Meat Creek, we enter the
long reach, where the river runs a straight course for
twenty miles, and makes a delightful prospect; the banks
continue high; the country on both sides, level, rich, and
well watered. At the lower end of the reach we en-
camped.96 This day we passed nine islands, some of
which are large, and lie high out of the water.
95 Buffalo Creek is in Brooke County, West Virginia, with the town of Wells-
burg located at its mouth. The first settlers arrived about 1769. Fat Meat
Creek is not identified; from the distances given, it might be Big Grave Creek,
in Marshall County, West Virginia, or Pipe Creek, nearly opposite, in Belmont
County, Ohio. — Ed.
99 The "Long Reach" lies between Fishing Creek ard the Muskingum,
sixteen and a half miles in a nearly straight line to the southwest. — Ed.
130 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
19th. — We decamped at six in the morning, and sailed
to a place called the Three Islands, being about fifteen
miles from our last encampment ; here the highlands come
close to the river banks, and the bottoms for the most
part — till we come to the Muskingum (or Elk)97 river —
are but narrow: this river empties itself into the Ohio
about fifteen miles below the Three Islands; the banks of
the river continue steep, and the country is level, for
several miles back from the river. The course of the
river from Fat Meat Creek to Elk River, is about south-
west and by south. We proceeded down the river about
fifteen miles, to the mouth of Little Conhawa River, with
little or no alteration in the face of the country; here we
encamped in a fine rich bottom, after having passed
fourteen islands, some of them large, and mostly lying
high out of the water.98 Here buffaloes, bears, turkeys,
with all other kinds of wild game are extremely plenty.
87 The French called the Muskingum Yanangue-kouan — the river of the
Tobacco (Petun-Huron) Indians. Celoron (1749) left at the mouth of this
river, one of his plates, which was found in 1798, and is now in possession of
the American Antiquarian Society, at Worcester, Massachusetts. Croghan
had frequently been on the Muskingum, where as early as 1750, he had a trad-
ing house. The inhabitants at that time appear to have been Wyandots; but
after the French and Indian War the Delawares retreated thither, and built
their towns on the upper Muskingum. Later, the Moravian missionaries
removed their converts thither, and erected upon the banks of this river their
towns, Salem, Schonbrunn, and Gnadenhiitten. In 1785, Fort Harmar was
placed at its mouth; and thither, three years later, came the famous colony of
New England Revolutionary soldiers, under the leadership of Rufus Putnam,
which founded Marietta. — Ed.
98 The Little Kanawha was the terminus of the exploring expedition of
George Rogers Clark and Jones in 1772. They reported unfavorably in regard
to the lands; but settlers soon began to occupy them, and they were a part of
the grant given to Trent, Croghan, and others at the treaty of Fort Stanwix
(1768) as a reparation for their losses in the previous wars. About the time
of Croghan's visit, Captain Bull, a well-known Delaware Indian of New York,
removed to the Little Kanawha, and in 1772 his village, Bulltown, was the
scene of a revolting massacre of friendly Indians by brutal white borderers. — Ed .
1765] Croghari s 'Journals 131
A good hunter, without much fatigue to himself, could
here supply daily one hundred men with meat. The
course of the Ohio, from Elk River to Little Conhawa, is
about south.
20th. — At six in the morning we embarked in our
boats, and proceeded down to the mouth of Hochocken
or Bottle River," where we were obliged to encamp,
having a strong head wind against us. We made but
twenty miles this day, and passed by five very fine islands,
the country the whole way being rich and level, with high
and steep banks to the rivers. From here I despatched
an Indian to the Plains of Scioto, with a letter to the
French traders from the Illinois residing there, amongst
the Shawnesse, requiring them to come and join me at the
mouth of Scioto, in order to proceed with me to their
own country, and take the oaths of allegiance to his
Britannic Majesty, as they were now become his sub-
jects, and had no right to trade there without license.
At the same time I sent messages to the Shawnesse Indians
to oblige the French to come to me in case of refusal.
2 1 st. — We embarked at half past 8 o'clock in the morn-
ing, and sailed to a place called the Big Bend, about
thirty-five miles below Bottle River. The course of the
Ohio, from Little Conhawa River to Big Bend, is about
south-west by south. The country hereabouts abounds
99 Hockhocking is the local Indian name for a bottle-shaped gourd, to
which they likened the course of this river. Its chief historical event is con-
nected with Lord Dunmore's War. Nine years after this voyage of Croghan,
Dunmore descended the Ohio with his flotilla, and disembarking at the river
with his army of regulars and frontiersmen — Clark, Cresap, Kenton, and
Girty among the number — marched overland to the Scioto, leaving Fort
Gowcr here to guard his rear. Signs of the earthwork of this fortification are
still visible. At this place, on the return journey, the Virginia officers of the
army drew up resolutions of sympathy with the Continental Congress then in
session at Philadelphia. — Ed.
132 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
with buffalo, bears, deer, and all sorts of wild game, in such
plenty, that we killed out of our boats as much as we
wanted. We proceeded down the river to the Buffalo
Bottom, about ten miles from the beginning of the Big
Bend, where we encamped. The country on both sides
of the river, much the same as we passed the day before.
This day we passed nine islands, all lying high out of the
water.
2 2d. — At half an hour past 5 o'clock, set off and sailed
to a place, called Alum Hill, so called from the great
quantity of that mineral found there by the Indians; this
place lies about ten miles from Buffalo Bottom;100 thence
we sailed to the mouth of Great Conhawa River,101
being ten miles from the Alum Hill. The course of the
river, from the Great Bend to this place, is mostly west;
from hence we proceeded down to Little Guyondott
River, where we encamped, about thirty miles from Great
Conhawa; the country still fine and level; the bank of the
river high, with abundance of creeks and rivulets falling
into it. This day we passed six fine islands. In the
evening one of our Indians discovered three Cherokees
near our encampment, which obliged our Indians to keep
100 The "Big Bend" of the river is that now known as Pomeroy's Bend,
from the Ohio town at its upper point. Alum Hill was probably West Colum-
bia, Mason County, West Virginia. See Lewis, History of West Virginia
(Philadelphia, 1889), p. 109. — Ed.
101 The Kanawha takes its name from a tribe of Indians who formerly lived
in its valley, but they were destroyed by the Iroquois in the early eighteenth
century. Celoron called it the Chinondaista, and at its mouth buried a plate
which is now in the museum of the Virginia Historical Society, at Richmond.
Gist surveyed here for the Ohio Company in 1752; later, Washington owned
ten thousand acres in the vicinity, and visited the spot in 1774. That same year,
the battle of Point Pleasant was fought at the mouth of the Kanawha by Colonel
Andrew Lewis's division of Lord Dunmore's army; and the succeeding year,
Fort Randolph was built to protect the frontiers. Daniel Boone retired hither
from Kentucky, and lived in this neighborhood four years (1791-95), before
migrating to Missouri. — Ed.
1765] Croghan s 'Journals 133
out a good guard the first part of the night. Our party
being pretty strong, I imagine the Cherokees were afraid to
attack us, and so ran off.
23d. — Decamped about five in the morning, and
arrived at Big Guyondott, twenty miles from our last
encampment : the country as of yesterday ; from hence we
proceeded down to Sandy River being twenty miles
further; thence to the mouth of Scioto, about forty miles
from the last mentioned river. The general course of
the river from Great Conhawa to this place inclines to
the south-west. The soil rich, the country level, and
the banks of the river high. The soil on the banks of
Scioto, for a vast distance up the country, is prodigious
rich, the bottoms very wide, and in the spring of the year,
many of them are flooded, so that the river appears to
be two or three miles wide. Bears, deer, turkeys, and
most sorts of wild game, are very plenty on the banks of
this river. On the Ohio, just below the mouth of Scioto,
on a high bank, near forty feet, formerly stood the Shaw-
nesse town, called the Lower Town, which was all car-
ried away, except three or four houses, by a great flood
in the Scioto. I was in the town at the time, though the
banks of the Ohio were so high, the water was nine feet
on the top, which obliged the whole town to take to their
canoes, and move with their effects to the hills. The
Shawnesse afterwards built their town on the opposite
side of the river, which, during the French war, they
abandoned, for fear of the Virginians, and removed to the
plains on Scioto. The Ohio is about one hundred yards
wider here than at Fort Pitt, which is but a small augumen-
tation, considering the great number of rivers and creeks,
that fall into it during the course of four hundred and
twenty miles; and as it deepens but very little, I imagine
134 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
the water sinks, though there is no visible appearance of
it. In general all the lands on the Scioto River, as well as
the bottoms on Ohio, are too rich for any thing but hemp,
flax, or Indian corn.102
24th, 25th, and 26th. — Stayed at the mouth of Scioto,
waiting for the Shawnesse and French traders, who
arrived here on the evening of the 26th, in consequence
of the message I sent them from Hochocken, or Bottle
Creek.103
27th. — The Indians requested me to stay this day,
which I could not refuse.
28th. — We set off: passing down the Ohio, the country
on both sides the river level; the banks continue high.
This day we came sixty miles; passed no islands. The
river being wider and deeper, we drove all night.
29th. — We came to the little Miame River, having pro-
ceeded sixty miles last night.
102 The word Scioto probably signified "deer," although it is said by David
Jones to mean "hairy" river, from the multitude of deer's hairs which floated
down the stream. The valley of the Scioto is famous in Western annals. Dur-
ing the second half of the eighteenth century it was the chief seat of the Shawnees
whose lower, or ' ' Shannoah,' ' town has been frequently mentioned in the Indian
transactions which we have printed. The Shawnees, on their withdrawal
up the valley, built the Chillicothe towns, where Pontiac's conspiracy was largely
fomented. These were the starting point of many raids against the Kentucky
and West Virginia settlements. From these villages Mrs. Ingles and Mrs.
Dennis made their celebrated escapes in 1755 and 1763 respectively. During
all the long series of wars closing with Wayne's victory in 1794, the intractable
Shawnees were among the most dreaded of the Indian enemy. — Ed.
103 The result of this message in regard to the French traders, is thus given
in the official version of the journal:
"26th. Several of the Shawanese came there & brought with them 7
French Traders which they delivered to me, those being all that resided in
their Yihages> & told me there was just six more living with the Delawares,
that on their return to their Towns they would go to the Delawares & get them
to send those French Traders home, & told me they were determined to do
everything in their power to convince me of their sincerity & good disposition
to preserve a peace.' ' — Ed.
1765] Croghan s 'Journals 135
30th. — We passed the Great Miame River, about
thirty miles from the little river of that name, and in the
evening arrived at the place where the Elephants' bones are
found, where we encamped, intending to take a view of
the place next morning. This day we came about
seventy miles. The country on both sides level, and rich
bottoms well watered.
31st. — Early in the morning we went to the great Lick,
where those bones are only found, about four miles from the
river, on the south-east side. In our way we passed
through a fine timbered clear wood ; we came into a large road
which the Buffaloes have beaten, spacious enough for two
waggons to go abreast, and leading straight into the Lick.
It appears that there are vast quantities of these bones lying
five or six feet under ground, which we discovered in the
bank, at the edge of the Lick. We found here two tusks
above six feet long; we carried one, with some other bones,
to our boats, and set off.104 This day we proceeded down
the river about eighty miles, through a country much the
same as already described, since we passed the Scioto.
In this day's journey we passed the mouth of the River
Kentucky, or Holsten's River.105
104 Big Bone Lick, in Boone County, Kentucky, was visited by the French
in the early eighteenth century. It was a landmark for early Kentucky hunters,
who describe it in terms similar to those used by Croghan. At the beginning
of the nineteenth century, scientists took much interest in the remains of the
mammoth (or mastodon) — the "elephant's bones" described by Croghan.
Thomas Jefferson and several members of the American Philosophical Soci-
ety, at Philadelphia, attempted to secure a complete skeleton of this extinct
giant; and a number of fossils from the lick were also sent to Europe. Dr.
Goforth of Cincinnati undertook an exploration to the lick at his own expense
(1803), but was later robbed of the result. The store of huge bones is not yet
entirely exhausted, specimens being yet occasionally excavated — the present
writer having examined some there in 1894. — Ed.
105 It is a curious mistake on Croghan's part to designate the Kentucky
as the Holston River. The latter is a branch of the Tennessee, flowing through
136 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
June 1st. — We arrived within a mile of the Falls of
Ohio, where we encamped, after coming about fifty
miles this day.
2d. — Early in the morning we embarked, and passed
the Falls. The river being very low we were obliged to
lighten our boats, and pass on the north side of a little
island, which lays in the middle of the river. In general,
what is called the Fall here, is no more than rapids; and
in the least fresh, a batteau of any size may come and go
on each side without any risk.106 This day we proceeded
sixty miles, in the course of which we passed Pidgeon
River. The country pretty high on each side of the River
Ohio.
3d. — In the forepart of this day's course, we passed
high lands; about mid-day we came to a fine, flat, and
level country, called by the Indians the Low Lands; no
hills to be seen. We came about eighty miles this day,
and encamped.
4th. — We came to a place called the Five Islands; these
islands are very long, and succeed one another in a chain ;
the country still flat and level, the soil exceedingly rich,
and well watered. The highlands are at least fifty miles
the mountains of Tennessee, North Caiolina, and Virginia. Its valley was
early settled by Croghan's friends, Scotch-Irish from Pennsylvania. It is
probable that, as the Kentucky's waters come from that direction, he had a
confused idea of the topography. — Ed.
106 One of the earliest descriptions of the Falls of the Ohio. Gist was
ordered to explore as far as there in 1750, but did not reach the goal. Findlay
was there in 1753. Gordon gives an account similar to Croghan's in 1766.
Ensign Butricke made more of an adventure in passing these falls — see His-
torical Magazine, viii, p. 259. An attempt at a settlement was made by John
Connolly (1773); but the beginnings of the present city of Louisville are due
to the pioneers who accompanied George Rogers Clark thither in 1778, and
made their first home on Corn Island. For the early history of Louisville,
see Durrett, Centenary 0} Louisville, Filson Club Publications, No. 8 (Louis-
ville, 1893).— Ed.
1765] Croghan ' s "Journals 137
from the banks of the Ohio. In this day's course we
passed about ninety miles, the current being very strong.
5th. — Having passed the Five Islands, we came to a
place called the Owl River. Came about forty miles this
day. The country the same as yesterday.
6th. — We arrived at the mouth of the Ouabache,107
where we found a breast- work erected, supposed to be
done by the Indians. The mouth of this river is about
two hundred yards wide, and in its course runs through
one of the finest countries in the world, the lands being
exceedingly rich, and well watered; here hemp might be
raised in immense quantities. All the bottoms, and
almost the whole country abounds with great plenty of
the white and red mulberry tree. These trees are to be
found in great plenty, in all places between the mouth of
Scioto and the Ouabache: the soil of the latter affords
this tree in plenty as far as Ouicatonon, and some few
on the Miame River. Several large fine islands lie in the
Ohio, opposite the mouth of the Ouabache, the banks of
which are high, and consequently free from inundations;
hence we proceeded down the river about six miles to
encamp, as I judged some Indians were sent to way-lay
us, and came to a place called the Old Shawnesse Village,
107 Colonel Reuben T. Durrett, of Louisville, thinks Croghan "must have
meant Salt River when he spoke of passing Pigeon River during his first day's
journey after leaving the Falls of the Ohio." The Owl River he identifies with
Highland Creek in Kentucky, between the mouths of the Green and Wabash
rivers.
The Wabash River was early considered by the French as one of the
most important highways between Canada and Louisiana. Marquette desig-
nates it on his map as the Ouabouskiguo, which later Frenchmen corrupted
into Ouabache. The name was also applied to that portion of the Ohio below
the mouth of the Wabash; but James Logan in 1718 noted the distinction.
See Winsor, Mississippi Basin, p. 17. Croghan was probably the first Eng-
lishman who had penetrated thus far into the former French territory, except
Fraser, who had preceded him to the Illinois. — Ed.
138 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
some of that nation having formerly lived there.108 In
this day's proceedings we came about seventy-six miles.
The general course of the river, from Scioto to this place,
is south-west.
7th. — We stayed here and despatched two Indians to
the Illinois by land, with letters to Lord Frazer, an Eng-
lish officer, who had been sent there from Fort Pitt, and
Monsieur St. Ange,109 the French commanding officer at
Fort Chartres, and some speeches to the Indians there,
letting them know of my arrival here ; that peace was made
between us and the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shaw-
nesse, and of my having a number of deputies of those
nations along with me, to conclude matters with them
also on my arrival there. This day one of my men went
into the woods and lost himself.110
8th. — At day-break we were attacked by a party of
Indians, consisting of eighty warriors of the Kiccapoos
108 The Shawnees had formerly dwelt west and south of their habitations
on the Scioto. The Cumberland River was known on early maps as the
"Shawana River;" and in 1718, they were located in the direction of Carolina.
Their migration east and north took place about 1730. The present Illinois
town at this site, is still called Shawneetown. — Ed.
109 Being able to speak French, Lieutenant Alexander Fraser of the 78th
infantry had been detailed to accompany Croghan. He went in advance of
the latter, and reached the Illinois, where he found himself in such danger that
he escaped to Mobile in disguise. See Parkman, Conspiracy 0} Pontiac, ii, pp.
276, 284-286.
Captain Louis St. Ange de Bellerive, was the son of a French officer who
came to Louisiana early in the eighteenth century, and commanded in the
Illinois country in 1722 and again in 1733. St. Ange had himself seen much
pioneer service, having been placed in charge of a fort on the Missouri (1736),
and having succeeded Vincennes at the post bearing the latter's name. St.
Ange remained at Vincennes until summoned by De Villiers, commandant at
Fort Chartres, to supersede him there, and spare him the mortification of a
surrender to the English. After yielding Fort Chartres to Captain Sterling
(October, 1765), St. Ange retired to St. Louis, where he acted as commandant
(after 1766, in the Spanish service) until his death in 1774. — Ed.
110 This man was in reality captured. See Parkman, Conspiracy 0} Pon-
tiac, ii, p. 289, note. — Ed.
1765] Croghan s 'Journals 139
and Musquattimes,111 who killed two of my men and three
Indians, wounded myself and all the rest of my party,
except two white men and one Indian ; then made myself
and all the white men prisoners, plundering us of every
thing we had. A deputy of the Shawnesse who was shot
through the thigh, having concealed himself in the woods
for a few minutes after he was wounded — not knowing
but they were Southern Indians, who are always at war
with the northward Indians — after discovering what
nation they were, came up to them and made a very bold
speech, telling them that the whole northward Indians
would join in taking revenge for the insult and murder
of their people; this alarmed those savages very much,
who began excusing themselves, saying their fathers, the
French, had spirited them up, telling them that the Indians
were coming with a body of southern Indians to take
their country from them, and enslave them; that it was
this that induced them to commit this outrage. After
dividing the plunder, (they left great part of the heaviest
effects behind, not being able to carry them,) they set off
with us to their village at Ouattonon, in a great hurry,
being in dread of pursuit from a large party of Indians
they suspected were coming after me. Our course was
through a thick woody country, crossing a great many
swamps, morasses, and beaver ponds. We traveled this
day about forty-two miles.
111 The Kickapoos and Mascoutins were allied Algonquian tribes whc were
first encountered in Wisconsin; but being of roving habits they ranged all the
prairie lands between the Wisconsin and Wabash rivers. In 17 12, they were
about the Maumee and at Detroit. Charlevoix describes them (1721) as living
near Chicago. Being concerned in the Fox wars, they fled across the Missis-
sippi; and again, about the middle of the eighteenth century, were with the
Miamis on the Wabash, where they had a town near Fort Ouiatonon. They
were always somewhat intractable and difficult to restrain. The remnant of
these tribes five on reservations in Kansas and Oklahoma. — Ed.
140 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
9th. — An hour before day we set out on our march;
passed through thick woods, some highlands, and small
savannahs, badly watered. Traveled this day about
thirty miles.
10th. — We set out very early in the morning, and
marched through a high country, extremely well timbered,
for three hours; then came to a branch of the Ouabache,
which we crossed.112 The remainder of this day we
traveled through fine rich bottoms, overgrown with reeds,
which make the best pasture in the world, the young
reeds being preferable to sheaf oats. Here is great
plenty of wild game of all kinds. Came this day about,
twenty-eight, or thirty miles.
nth. — At day- break we set off, making our way
through a thin woodland, interspersed with savannahs. I
suffered extremely by reason of the excessive heat of the
weather, and scarcity of water ; the little springs and runs
being dried up. Traveled this day about thirty miles.
12th. — We passed through some large savannahs, and
clear woods; in the afternoon we came to the Ouabache;
then marched along it through a prodigious rich bottom,
overgrown with reeds and wild hemp; all this bottom is
well watered, and an exceeding fine hunting ground.
Came this day about thirty miles.
13th. — About an hour before day we set out; traveled
through such bottoms as of yesterday, and through some
large meadows, where no trees, for several miles together,
are to be seen. Buffaloes, deer, and bears are here in
great plenty. We traveled about twenty-six miles this
day.
112 This branch of the Wabash is now called the Little Wabash River. The
party must have taken a very circuitous route, else Croghan greatly overesti-
mates the distances. Vincennes is about seventy-five miles from the point
where they were made prisoners. — Ed.
1765] Croghan s 'Journals 141
14th. — The country we traveled through this day,
appears the same as described yesterday, excepting this
afternoon's journey through woodland, to cut off a bend
of the river. Came about twenty-seven miles this day.
15th. — We set out very early, and about one o'clock
came to the Ouabache, within six or seven miles of Port
Vincent.113 On my arrival there, I found a village of
about eighty or ninety French families settled on the east
side of this river, being one of the finest situations that can
be found. The country is level and clear, and the soil
very rich, producing wheat and tobacco. I think the
latter preferable to that of Maryland or Virginia. The
French inhabitants hereabouts, are an idle, lazy people, a
parcel of renegadoes from Canada, and are much worse
than the Indians. They took a secret pleasure at our
misfortunes, and the moment we arrived, they came to
the Indians, exchanging trifles for their valuable plunder.
As the savages took from me a considerable quantity of
113 The date of the founding of Vincennes (Post or Port Vincent) has been
varyingly assigned from 1702 to 1735; but Dunn, in his Indiana (Boston and
New York, 1888), p. 54, shows quite conclusively that Francois Margane,
Sieur de Vincennes, went thither at the request of Governor Perier of Louisiana
in 1727, and founded a fort to counteract the designs of the English against the
French trade. The French colony was not begun until 1735, and the next year
the commandant Vincennes was captured and burnt by the Chickasaws, while
engaged in an expedition against their country. Louis St. Ange succeeded to
the position of commandant at Vincennes, which he continued to hold until
1764, when summoned to the Illinois. He left two soldiers in charge at Vin-
cennes, of whom and their companions Croghan gives this unfavorable account.
No English officer appeared to take command at Vincennes until 1777; mean-
while General Gage had endeavored to expel the French inhabitants therefrom
(1772-73). It is not surprising, therefore, that they received the Americans under
George Rogers Clark (1778), with cordiality; or that after Hamilton's re-cap-
ture of the place, they were unwilling to aid the English in maintaining the post
against Clark's surprise (February, 1779), which resulted in the capture of
Hamilton and all the British garrison. After this event, Vincennes became
part of the Illinois government, until the organization of a Northwest Territory
in 1787. — Ed.
142 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
gold and silver in specie, the French traders extorted ten
half Johannes114 from them for one pound of vermilion.
Here is likewise an Indian village of the Pyankeshaws,115
who were much displeased with the party that took me,
telling them that ' ' our and your chiefs are gone to make
peace, and you have begun a war, for which our women
and children will have reason to cry." From this post
the Indians permitted me to write to the commander, at
Fort Chartres, but would not suffer me to write to any
body else, (this I apprehend was a precaution of the
French, lest their villany should be perceived too soon,)
although the Indians had given me permission to write
to Sir William Johnson and Fort Pitt on our march,
before we arrived at this place. But immediately after
our arrival they had a private council with the French, in
which the Indians urged, (as they afterwards informed me,)
that as the French had engaged them in so bad an affair,
which was likely to bring a war on their nation, they now
expected a proof of their promise and assistance. Then
delivered the French a scalp and part of the plunder, and
wanted to deliver some presents to the Pyankeshaws, but
they refused to accept of any, and declared they would not
be concerned in the affair. This last information I got
from the Pyankeshaws, as I had been well acquainted
with them several years before this time.
Port Vincent is a place of great consequence for trade,
being a fine hunting country all along the Ouabache, and
too far for the Indians, which reside hereabouts, to go
114 A johannies was a Portuguese coin current in America about this time,
worth nearly nine dollars. The Indians, therefore, paid over forty dollars for
their pound of vermillion. — Ed.
115 The Piankeshaws were a tribe of the Miamis, who had been settled near
Vincennes as long as they had been known to the whites. — Ed.
1765] Croghan s Journals 143
either to the Illinois, or elsewhere, to fetch their necessa-
ries.
1 6th. — We were obliged to stay here to get some little
apparel made up for us, and to buy some horses for our
journey to Ouicatonon, promising payment at Detroit,
for we could not procure horses from the French for hire ;
though we were greatly fatigued, and our spirits much
exhausted in our late march, they would lend us no assis-
tance. *
17th. — At mid-day we set out; traveling the first five
miles through a fine thick wood. We traveled eighteen
miles this day, and encamped in a large, beautiful, well
watered meadow.
18th and 19th. — We traveled through a prodigious
large meadow, called the Pyankeshaw's Hunting Ground:
here is no wood to be seen, and the country appears like
an ocean: the ground is exceedingly rich, and partly
overgrown with wild hemp; the land well watered, and
full of buffalo, deer, bears, and all kinds of wild game.
20th and 21st. — We passed through some very large
meadows, part of which belong to the Pyankeshaws on
Vermilion River; the country and soil much the same as
that we traveled over for these three days past, wild hemp
grows here in abundance; the game very plenty: at any
time, in half an hour we could kill as much as we wanted.
22nd. — We passed through part of the same meadow
as mentioned yesterday; then came to a high woodland,
and arrived at Vermilion River, so called from a fine red
earth found here by the Indians, with which they paint
themselves. About half a mile from the place where we
crossed this river, there is a village of Pyankeshaws, dis-
tinguished by the addition of the name of the river. We
then traveled about three hours, through a clear high
144 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
woody country, but a deep and rich soil; then came to a
meadow, where we encamped.
23d. — Early in the morning we set out through a fine
meadow, then some clear woods; in the afternoon came
into a very large bottom on the Ouabache, within six
miles of Ouicatanon; here I met several chiefs of the
Kickapoos and Musquattimes, who spoke to their young
men who had taken us, and reprimanded them severely
for what they had done to me, after which they returned
with us to their village, and delivered us all to their chiefs.
The distance from port Vincent to Ouicatanon is two
hundred and ten miles. This place is situated on the
Ouabache. About fourteen French families are living
in the fort, which stands on the north side of the river.
The Kickapoos and the Musquattimes, whose warriors
had taken us, live nigh the fort, on the same side of the
river, where they have two villages; and the Ouicatanons
have a village on the south side of the river. At our
arrival at this post, several of the Wawcottonans, (or
Ouicatonans) with whom I had been formerly acquainted,
came to visit me, and seemed greatly concerned at what
had happened. They went immediately to the Kicka-
poos and Musquattimes, and charged them to take the
greatest care of us, till their chiefs should arrive from the
Illinois, where they were gone to meet me some time ago,
and who were entirely ignorant of this affair, and said the
French had spirited up this party to go and strike us.
The French have a great influence over these Indians,
and never fail in telling them many lies to the prejudice
of his majesty's interest, by making the English nation
odious and hateful to them. I had the greatest difficul-
ties in removing these prejudices. As these Indians are a
weak, foolish, and credulous people, they are easily im-
1765] Croghans 'Journals 145
posed on by a designing people, who have led them
hitherto as they pleased. The French told them that
as the southern Indians had for two years past made war
on them, it must have been at the instigation of the Eng-
lish, who are a bad people. However I have been fortu-
nate enough to remove their prejudice, and, in a great
measure, their suspicions against the English. The coun-
try hereabouts is exceedingly pleasant, being open and
clear for many miles ; the soil very rich and well watered ;
all plants have a quick vegetation, and the climate very
temperate through the winter. This post has always been
a very considerable trading place. The great plenty of
furs taken in this country, induced the French to estab-
lish this post, which was the first on the Ouabache, and by
a very advantageous trade they have been richly recom-
pensed for their labor.
On the south side of the Ouabache runs a big bank, in
which are several fine coal mines, and behind this bank,
is a very large meadow, clear for several miles. It is
surprising what false information we have had respecting
this country: some mention these spacious and beautiful
meadows as large and barren savannahs. I apprehend
it has been the artifice of the French to keep us ignorant
of the country. These meadows bear fine wild grass,
and wild hemp ten or twelve feet high, which, if properly
manufactured, would prove as good, and answer all the
purposes of the hemp we cultivate.118
July ist — A Frenchman arrived from the Illinois with
a Pipe and Speech from thence to the Kickapoos &
119 The entries from July i to 18, inclusive, are here inserted from the second
(or official) version in the New York Colonial Documents, vii, pp. 781, 782;
hiatuses therein, are supplied from the Hildreth version. See note 91, ante,
p. 126. — Ed.
146 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
Musquattamies, to have me Burnt, this Speech was said
to be sent from a Shawanese Indn who resides at the
Ilinois, & has been during the War, & is much attached
to the French interest. As soon as this Speech was de-
livered to the Indians by the French, the Indians informed
me of it in Council, & expressed their great concern for
what had already happened, & told me they then sett me
& my people at liberty, & assured me they despised the
message sent them, and would return the Pipe & Belt to
their Fathers the French, and enquire into the reason of
such a message being sent them by one of his messengers,
& desired me to stay with them 'till the Deputies of the
Six Nations, Shawanese & Delawares arrived with Pon-
diac at Ouiatonon in order to settle matters, to wh I
consented.
From 4th to the 8th — I had several Conferences with
the Wawiotonans, Pyankeeshas, Kickapoos & Musqua-
tamies in which Conferences I was lucky enough to
reconcile those Nations to his Majesties Interest & obtain
their Consent and Approbation to take Possession of any
Posts in their country which the French formerly possessed
& an offer of their service should any Nation oppose our
taking possession of it, all which they confirmed by four
large Pipes.
11th — Mr Maisonville117 arrived with an Interpreter &
117 Francois Rivard dit Maisonville was a member of one of the first families
to settle Detroit. He entered the British service at Fort Pitt as an interpreter,
accompanying Lieutenant Fraser to the Illinois in that capacity. In 1774,
Maisonville was Indian agent on the Wabash with a salary of £100 a year.
When George Rogers Clark invaded the Illinois country (1778), Maisonville
carried the first intelligence of this incursion to Detroit. The next year General
Hamilton employed him on his advance against Vincennes; but on Clark's
approach he was captured, while on a scouting party, and cruelly treated by
some of the American partisans. He made one of the party sent to Virginia
as captives, and the following year committed suicide in prison. — Ed.
1765] Croghans journals 147
a message to the Indians to bring me & my party to the
Ilinois, till then I had no answer from Mr St. Ange to
the letter I wrote him of the 16th June, as I wanted to go
to the Ilinois, I desired the Chiefs to prepare themselves &
set off with me as soon as possible.
12 th — I wrote to General Gage118 & Sir William John-
son, to Col° Campbell at Detroit, & Major Murray at
Fort Pitt & Major Firmer at Mobiel or on his way to
the Mississipi,119 & acquainted [them with] every thing
that had happened since my departure from Ft. Pitt.
July 13th — The Chiefs of the Twightwees came to me
from the Miamis and renewed their Antient Friendship
with His Majesty & all his Subjects in America & con-
firmed it with a Pipe.
18th— I set off for the Ilinois with the Chiefs of all
those Nations when by the way we met with Pondiac
together with the Deputies of the Six Nations, Delawares
& Shawanese, which accompanied Mr Frazier & myself
down the Ohio & also Deputies with speeches from the
118 General Thomas Gage was at this time British commander-in-chief in
America, with headquarters at New York. Having come to America with
Braddock, he served on this continent for twenty years, in numerous important
offices. After the surrender of Montreal he was made governor of that city
and province, until in 1763 he superseded Amherst as commander-in-chief, in
which capacity he served until the outbreak of the Revolution. His part in
the initial battles of that conflict about Boston, where he commanded, is a
matter of general history. After his recall to England his subsequent career
was uneventful. He died as Viscount Gage in 1787. — Ed.
119 Major William Murray of the 42nd infantry succeeded Colonel Henry
Bouquet as commandant at Fort Pitt, in the spring of 1765.
Major Robert Farmer was sent to receive the surrender of Mobile in 1763.
For a description by Aubry, the retiring French governor of Louisiana, of
Farmer's character and manner, see Claiborne, History of Mississippi (Jack-
son, 1880), p. 104. Late in this year that Croghan wrote (1765), Farmer
ascended the Mississippi with a detachment of the 34th infantry, and took over
the command of the Illinois from Major Sterling, being in turn relieved (1767)
by Colonel Edward Cole. Farmer died or retired from the army in 1768. — Ed.
148 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
four Nations living in the Ilinois Country to me & the
Six Nations, Delawares & Shawanese, on which we
return'd to Ouiatonon and there held another conference,
in which I settled all matters with the Ilinois Indians —
Pondiac & they agreeing to every thing the other Nations
had done, all which they confirmed by Pipes & Belts,
but told me the French had informed them that the Eng-
lish intended to take their Country from them, & give
it to the Cherokees to settle on, & that if ever they suf-
fered the English to take possession of their Country
they would make slaves of them, that this was the reason
of their Opposing the Englifh hitherto from taking pos-
session of Fort Chartres & induced them to tell Mr. La
Gutrie & Mr Sinnott120 that they would not let the Eng-
lish come into their Country. But being informed since
Mr Sinnott had retired by the Deputies of the Six Na-
tions, Delawares & Shawanese, that every difference
subsisting between them & the English was now set-
tled, they were willing to comply as the other Nations
their Brethren had done and desired that their Father the
King of England might not look upon his taking posses-
sion of the Forts which the French had formerly possest
as a title for his subjects to possess their Country, as they
never had sold any part of it to the French, & that I
might rest satisfied that whenever the English came to
take possession they would receive them with open arms.
July 25th.121 — We set out from this place (after set-
120 La Guthrie was the interpreter sent with Lieutenant Fraser. Sinnott
was a deputy-agent sent out by Stuart, agent for the Southern department to
attempt conciliation in the Illinois. His stores had been plundered, and he
himself having escaped with difficulty from Fort Chartres, sought refuge at
New Orleans. See New York Colonial Documents, vii, pp. 765, 776. — Ed.
121 We here again resume the first (Featherstonhaugh-Butler) version of the
journal, which continues through August 17. — Ed.
1765] Croghans "Journals 149
tling all matters happily with the natives) for the Miames,
and traveled the whole way through a fine rich bottom,
overgrown with wild hemp, alongside the Ouabache, till
we came to Eel River, where we arrived the 27th. About
six miles up this river is a small village of the Twightwee,
situated on a very delightful spot of ground on the bank
of the river. The Eel River heads near St. Joseph's, and
runs nearly parallel to the Miames, and at some few miles
distance from it, through a fine, pleasant country, and
after a course of about one hundred and eighty miles
empties itself into the Ouabache.
28th, 29th, 30th and 31st. — We traveled still along side
the Eel River, passing through fine clear woods, and some
good meadows, though not so large as those we passed
some days before. The country is more overgrown with
woods, the soil is sufficiently rich, and well watered with
springs.
August 1st. — We arrived at the carrying place between
the River Miames and the Ouabache, which is about nine
miles long in dry seasons, but not above half that length
in freshes. The head of the Ouabache is about forty
miles from this place, and after a course of about seven
hundred and sixty miles from the head spring, through
one of the finest countries in the world, it empties itself
into the Ohio. The navigation from hence to Ouicatanon,
is very difficult in low water, on account of many rapids
and rifts; but in freshes, which generally happen in the
spring and fall, batteaux or canoes will pass, without
difficulty, from here to Ouicatanon in three days, which
is about two hundred and forty miles, and by land about
two hundred and ten miles. From Ouicatanon to Port
Vincent, and thence to the Ohio, batteaux and canoes may
go at any season of the year. Throughout the whole
150 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
course of the Ouabache the banks are pretty high, and in
the river are a great many islands. Many shrubs and
trees are found here unknown to us.
Within a mile of the Twightwee village, I was met by
the chiefs of that nation, who received us very kindly.
The most part of these Indians knew me, and conducted
me to their village, where they immediately hoisted an
English flag that I had formerly given them at Fort Pitt.
The next day they held a council, after which they gave
me up all the English prisoners they had, then made
several speeches, in all which they expressed the great
pleasure it gave them, to see the unhappy differences
which embroiled the several nations in a war with their
brethren, the English, were now so near a happy con-
clusion, and that peace was established in their country.
The Twightwee village is situated on both sides of a
river, called St. Joseph's. This river, where it falls into
the Miame river, about a quarter of a mile from this
place, is one hundred yards wide, on the east side of which
stands a stockade fort, somewhat ruinous.
The Indian village consists of about forty or fifty
cabins, besides nine or ten French houses, a runaway
colony from Detroit, during the late Indian war; they
were concerned in it, and being afraid of punishment,
came to this post, where ever since they have spirited
up the Indians against the English. All the French
residing here are a lazy, indolent people, fond of breeding
mischief, and spiriting up the Indians against the Eng-
lish, and should by no means be suffered to remain here.
The country is pleasant, the soil rich and well watered.
After several conferences with these Indians, and their
delivering me up all the English prisoners they had, —
[blank space in MS.]
1765] Croghans 'Journals 1 5 1
On the 6th of August we set out for Detroit, down the
Miames river in a canoe. This river heads about ten
miles from hence. The river is not navigable till you
come where the river St. Joseph joins it, and makes a
considerably large stream. Nevertheless we found a
great deal of difficulty in getting our canoe over shoals,
as the waters at this season were very low. The banks
of the river are high, and the country overgrown with
lofty timber of various kinds; the land is level, and the
woods clear. About ninety miles from the Miames or
Twightwee, we came to where a large river, that heads
in a large lick, falls into the Miame river; this they call
the Forks.122 The Ottawas claim this country, and hunt
here, where game is very plenty. From hence we pro-
ceeded to the Ottawa village. This nation formerly lived
at Detroit, but is now settled here, on account of the
richness of the country, where game is always to be found
in plenty. Here we were obliged to get out of our canoes,
and drag them eighteen miles, on account of the rifts
which interrupt the navigation.123 At the end of these
rifts, we came to a village of the Wyondotts, who received
us very kindly and from thence we proceeded to the
mouth of the river, where it falls into Lake Erie. From
the Miames to the lake is computed one hundred and
eighty miles, and from the entrance of the river into the
lake to Detroit, is sixty miles; that is, forty- two miles up
122 This is the Auglaize River. On the site called the Forks, Wayne built
Fort Defiance during his campaign against the Indians (1794). — Ed.
123 The rapids of the Maumee were famous in the later Indian wars. There,
in 1794, the British built Fort Miami, almost within the reach of whose guns
Wayne fought the battle of Fallen Timbers. Fort Meigs was the American
stockade built here during the War of 1812-15; and this vicinity was the scene
of operations during all the Western campaigns ending with Perry's victory on
Lake Erie, and the re-taking of Detroit. — Ed.
1 5 2 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
the lake, and eighteen miles up the Detroit river to the
garrison of that name. The land on the lake side is low
and flat. We passed several large rivers and bays, and
on the 1 6th of August, in the afternoon, we arrived at
Detroit river. The country here is much higher than
on the lake side; the river is about nine hundred yards
wide, and the current runs very strong. There are several
fine and large islands in this river, one of which is nine
miles long; its banks high, and the soil very good.
1 7th. — In the morning we arrived at the fort, which
is a large stockade, inclosing about eighty houses, it
stands close on the north side of the river, on a high bank,
commands a very pleasant prospect for nine miles above,
and nine miles below the fort; the country is thick settled
with French, their plantations are generally laid out about
three or four acres in breadth on the river, and eighty
acres in depth; the soil is good, producing plenty of
grain. All the people here are generally poor wretches,
and consist of three or four hundred French families, a
lazy, idle people, depending chiefly on the savages for
their subsistence; though the land, with little labor, pro-
duces plenty of grain, they scarcely raise as much as will
supply their wants, in imitation of the Indians, whose
manners and customs they have entirely adopted, and
cannot subsist without them. The men, women, and
children speak the Indian tongue perfectly well. In the
last Indian war the most part of the French were con-
cerned in it, (although the whole settlement had taken
the oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty) they
have, therefore, great reason to be thankful to the Eng-
lish clemency in not bringing them to deserved punish-
ment. Before the late Indian war there resided three
nations of Indians at this place: the Putawatimes, whose
1765] Croghan s 'Journals 153
village was on the west side of the river, about one mile
below the fort; the Ottawas, on the east side, about three
miles above the Fort; and the Wyondotts, whose village
lies on the east side, about two miles below the fort.
The former two nations have removed to a considerable
distance, and the latter still remain where they were, and
are remarkable for their good sense and hospitality.
They have a particular attachment to the Roman Catholic
religion, the French, by their priests, having taken uncom-
mon pains to instruct them.
During my stay here, I held frequent conferences with
the different nations of Indians assembled at this place,
with whom I settled matters to their general satisfaction.
August 17 th124 — I arrived at Detroit where I found
several small Tribes of Ottawas, Puttewatamies &
Chipwas waiting in Consequence of Col0 Bradstreets
Invitation to see him.125 Here I met Mr DeCouagne and
124 All that follows, until the conclusion of the Indian speeches, is inserted
from the second (official) version of the journals, found in the New York Colo-
nial Documents, vii, pp. 781-787. — Ed.
125 Although English born, Colonel John Bradstreet lived all his mature life
in America, and distinguished himself for his military services in the later
French wars. He was in the campaign against Louisburg (1745), and was
promoted for gallantry, and given the governorship of St. John's, Newfound-
land. The outbreak of the French and Indian War found him at Oswego,
where with great bravery he drove the French back from an attack on a convoy
(1756). On the organization of the Royal Americans, Bradstreet became
lieutenant-colonel, and served with Abercrombie at Ticonderoga (1758). His
most renowned exploit was the capture, the same year, of Fort Frontenac,
which severed the connection between Canada and its Western dependencies.
After the close of the war, Bradstreet received a colonelcy. When the news
of Pontiac's uprising reached the East, he was detailed to make an expedition
into the Indian territory by way of Lake Erie. His confidence in Indian prom-
ises proved too great; he made peace with the very tribes who went murdering
and scalping along the frontiers as soon as his army had passed. Bradstreet
was made a major-general in 1772; but two years later, died in the city of New
York. The Indians whom Croghan found at Detroit were small bands from
the north and west, who had not received Bradstreet's message, in time to
attend before that officer's departure from Detroit. — Ed.
i 54 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
Wabecomicat with a Deputation of Indians from Niagara,
with Messages from Sir William Johnson to Pondiac &
those Western Nations.126
23d— Colo Campbell127 & I had a Meeting with the
Twightwees, Wawiotonans, Pyankeshas, Kickapoos and
Musquattamies, when they produced the several Belts
sent them by Col° Bradstreet, in consequence of which
Invitation they came here.
Then they spoake to the Six Nations Delawares &
Shawanese on several Belts & Pipes, beging in the most
abject manner that they would forgive them for the ill
conduct of their Young Men, to take Pity on their Women
& Children & grant ym peace.
They then spoake to the Col° & me on several Pipes &
Belts Expressing their great satisfaction at a firm and last-
ing Peace settled between their Bretheren the English, &
the several Indian Nations in this Country, that they saw
the heavy Clouds that hung over their heads for some
time past were now dispersed, and that the Sun shone
clear & bright, & that as their Father the King of Eng-
land had conquered the French in that [this] Country &
taken into his Friendship all the Indian Nations, they
hoped for the future they would be a happy people, &
that they should always have reason to call the English
their Fathers & beged we would take pity on their
126 In the Hildreth version these names are spelled ' ' Duquanee ' ' and ' ' Wao-
becomica.' ' The former was a Detroit habitant Dequindre, who had brought
messages from the Illinois to Pontiac during the siege of Detroit. Waobecomica
was a Missassaga chief, well-affected toward the English, whom Johnson had
sent in the spring of 1765 with messages to Pontiac. See New York Colonial
Documents, vii, p. 747. — Ed.
127 This was Lieutenant-colonel Alexander Campbell, formerly commander
of the 95th regiment, who succeeded Major Gladwin in command of Detroit
(1764). He is not to be confused with Captain Donald Campbell, the earlier
commandant, who was killed by the Indians during Pontiac's conspiracy. — Ed.
1765] Croghan's 'Journals 155
Women & Children, & make up the difference subsist-
ing between them and the Shawanese, Delawares & Six
Nations, and said as they were come here in consequence of
Col0 Bradstreet's Invitation, & that he had not met them
they hoped their Fathers would pity their necessity &
give them a little clothing, and a little rum to drink on the
road, as they had come a great way to see their Fathers.
Then the Wyondats spoake to the Shawanese, & all the
Western Nations on severall Belts & strings, by which
they exhorted the several Nations to behave themselves
well to their Fathers the English, who had now taken
them under their Protection, that if they did, they would
be a happy People, that if they did not listen to the Coun-
cils of their Fathers, they must take the Consequences,
having assured them that all Nations to the Sun rising
had taken fast hold of their Fathers the English by the
hand, & would follow their Advice, & do every thing they
desired them, & never would let slip the Chain of Friend-
ship now so happily renewed.
August 24th — We had another Meeting with the
Several Nations, when the Wawiotonans, Twightwees,
Pyankeshas, Kickapoos & Musquatamies made several
speeches to Col° Campbell & me, in presence of all the
other Nations, when they promised to become the Chil-
dren of the King of Great Britain & farther acknowledged
that they had at Ouiatonon before they came there [here]
given up the Soverignty of their Country to me for His
Majesty, & promised to support his subjects in taking
possession of all the Posts given up by the French their
former Fathers, to the English, now their present Fathers,
all which they confirmed with a Belt.
2 5th — We had another meeting with the same Indians,
when Col° Campbell & I made them several speeches in
156 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
answer to theirs of the 23 & 24th then delivered them a
Road Belt in the name of Sir William Johnson Baronet,
to open a Road from the rising to the setting of the Sun
which we charged them to keep open through their
Country & cautioned them to stop their Ears against the
Storys or idle reports of evil minded People & continue
to promote the good Works of Peace, all which they prom-
ised to do in a most sincere manner.
26th — Col0 Campbell & I made those Nations some
presents, when after taking leave of us, they sett off for
their own Country well satisfied.
27 th — We had a Meeting with Pondiac & all the
Ottawa Tribes, Chipwaes & Puttewatamies wth the
Hurons of this Place & the chiefs of those settled at
Sandusky & the Miamis River, when we made them the
following Speeches.
Children Pondiac & all our Children the Otta-
was, Puttewatamies, Chip ways & Wyondatts: We
are very glad to see so many of our Children here present
at your Antient Council Fire, which has been neglected
for some time past, since those high winds has arose &
raised some heavy clouds over your Country, I now by
this Belt dress up your Antient Fire & throw some dry
wood upon it, that the blaze may ascend to the Clouds so
that all Nations may see it, & know that you live in
Peace & Tranquility with your Fathers the English. — A
Belt.
By this Belt I disperse all the black clouds from over
your heads, that the Sun may shine clear on your Women
and Children, that those unborn may enjoy the blessings
of this General Peace, now so happily settled between
your Fathers the English & you & all your younger
Bretheren to the Sun setting. — A Belt.
1765] Croghans 'Journals 157
Children: By this Belt I gather up all the Bones of
your deceased friends, & bury them deep in the ground,
that the herbs & sweet flowers of the earth may grow
over them, that we may not see them any more. — A Belt.
Children: with this Belt- 1 take the Hatchet out of
your Hands & I pluck up a large tree & bury it deep, so
that it may never be found any more, & I plant the tree
of Peace, where all our children may sit under & smoak
in Peace with their Fathers. — A Belt.
Children: We have made a Road from the Sun rising
to the Sun setting, I desire that you will preserve that
Road good and pleasant to Travel upon, that we may all
share the blessings of this happy Union. I am sorry to
see our Children dispersed thro' the Woods, I therefore
desire you will return to your Antient Settlements & take
care of your Council Fire which I have now dressed up, &
promote the good work of Peace. — A Belt.
After which Wapicomica delivered his Messages from
Sir William Johnson to Pondiac & the rest of the several
Chiefs.
Aug. 28th — We had a Meeting with Pondiac & the sev-
eral Nations when Pondiac made the following Speeches.
Father: We have all smoaked out of the Pipe of
Peace its your Childrens Pipe & as the War is all over, &
the Great Spirit and Giver of Light who has made the
Earth & every thing therein, has brought us all together
this day for our mutual good to promote the good Works
of Peace, I declare to all Nations that I had settled my
Peace with you before I came here, & now deliver my
Pipe to be sent to Sir William Johnson that he may know
I have made Peace, & taken the King of England for my
Father, in presence of all the Nations now assembled, &
whenever any of those Nations go to visit him, they may
158 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
smoak out of it with him in Peace. Fathers we are
oblidged to you for lighting up our old Council Fire for
us, & desiring us to return to it, but we are now settled
on the Miamis River, not far from hence, whenever you
want us you will find us there ready to wait on you, the
reason I choose to stay where we are now settled, is,
that we love liquor, and did we live here as formerly, our
People would be always drunk, which might occasion
some quarrels between the Soldiers & them, this Father
is all the reason I have for not returning to our old Settle-
ments, & that we live so nigh this place, that when we
want to drink, we can easily come for it. — Gave a large
Pipe with a Belt of Wampum tied to it.
Father: Be strong and take pity on us your Children
as our former Father did, 'tis just the Hunting Season of
our children, our Fathers the French formerly used to
credit his Children for powder & lead to hunt with, I
request in behalf of all the Nations present that you will
speak to the Traders now here to do the same, my Father,
once more I request you will take pity on us & tell your
Traders to give your Children credit for a little powder &
lead, as the support of our Family's depend upon it, we
have told you where we live, that whenever you want us &
let us know it, we will come directly to you. — A Belt.
Father: You stoped up the Rum Barrel when we
came here, 'till the Business of this Meeting128 was over,
128 There were present at this treaty about thirty chiefs and five hundred
warriors. A list of the tribes is given, and the names of the chiefs. This was
the last public transaction in which Pondiac was engaged with the English.
The year following, in a council with the Indians on the Illinois, this noted
chief was stabbed to the heart, by an Indian who had long followed him for that
purpose. — Hildreth.
Comment by Ed. — Hildreth is mistaken in calling this the last public tran-
saction of Pontiac. He was at Oswego and treated with Johnson in the spring
of 1766. See New York Colonial Documents, vii, pp. 854-867.
1765] Croghan s °J ournals 159
as it is now finished, we request you may open the barrel
that your Children may drink & be merry.
August 29th — A Deputation of several Nations sett
out from Detroit for the Ilinois Country with several
Messages from me & the Wyondats, Six Nations, Dela-
wares, Shawanese & other Nations, in answer to theirs
delivered me at Ouiatonon.
30th — The Chiefs of the several Nations who are set-
tled on the Ouabache returned to Detroit from the River
Roche, where they had been encamped, & informed
Col° Campbell & me, they were now going off for their
own Country, & that nothing gave them greater pleasure,
than to see that all the Western Nations & Tribes had
agreed to a general Peace, & that they should be glad [to
know] how soon their Fathers the English, would take
possession of the Posts in their Country, formerly pos-
sessed by their late Fathers the French, to open a
Trade for them, & if this could not be done this Fall,
they desired that some Traders might be sent to their
Villages to supply them for the Winter, or else they
would be oblidged to go to the Ilinois and apply to their
old Fathers the French for such necessarys as they might
want.
They then spoke on a Belt & said Fathers, every thing
is now settled, & we have agreed to your taking possession
of the posts in our Country, we have been informed,
that the English where ever they settle, make the Coun-
try their own, & you tell us that when you conquered the
French they gave you this Country. — That no difference
may happen hereafter, we tell you now the French never
conquered us neither did they purchase a foot of our
Country, nor have they a right to give it to you, we gave
them liberty to settle for which they always rewarded us,
160 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
& treated us with great Civility while they had it in their
power, but as they are become now your people, if you
expect to keep these Posts, we will expect to have proper
returns from you. — A Belt.
Septbr 2d — The chiefs of the Wyondatts or Huron, came
to me & said they had spoke last Summer to Sir Willm
Johnson at Niagara about the lands, on which the French
had settled near Detroit belonging to them, & desired
I would mention again to him. they never had sold it
to the French, & expected their new Fathers the English
would do them justice, as the French were become one
People with us. — A Belt.
4th — Pondiac with several chiefs of the Ottawas,
Chippawaes & Potowatamies likewise complained that
the French had settled part of their country, which they
never had sold to them, & hoped their Fathers the
English would take it into Consideration, & see that a
proper satisfaction was made to them. That their
Country was very large, & they were willing to give up
such part of it, as was necessary for their Fathers the
English, to carry on Trade at, provided they were paid
for it, & a sufficient part of the Country left them to hunt
on.— A Belt.
6th — The Sagina Indians came here,129& made a
speech on a Belt of Wampum expressing their satisfac-
tion on hearing that a general Peace was made with all
the Western Nations & with Pondiac, they desired a
little Powder, Lead & a few knives to enable them to
129 The Saginaw Indians were a notoriously turbulent band of Chippewas,
who had a village on Saginaw Bay. They had assisted in the siege of Detroit;
and going to Mackinac to secure recruits to continue their resistance, they
attempted to kill the trader Alexander Henry. See Bain (ed.), Henry's Travels
and Adventures (Boston, iqoi), pp. 148-152, an admirably-edited work, con-
taining much valuable information. — Ed.
1765] Croghan s "Journals 1 6 1
hunt on their way home, & a little rum to drink their new
Fathers health. — A Belt.
9th — Altewaky and Chamindiway Chiefs of a Band
of Ottawas from Sandusky with 20 Men came here and
informed me that their late conduct had been peaceable,
that on hearing there was a great Meeting of all Nations
at this place, they came to hear what would be done, &
on their way here they had been informed that a General
Peace was settled with all Nations to the Sun setting, &
they now came to assure us of their attachment to the
English Interest, & beged for some Powder, Lead,
some Blankets and a little rum to help them to return to
their town. A String.
Septbr 11th — Col° Campbell & I gave the above par-
ties some presents & a little rum & sent them away well
satisfied.
12 th — The Grand Sautois130 came with his band and
spoke as follows.
Father: You sent me a Belt from the Miamis, &
as soon as I received it, I set off to meet you here, on my
way I heard what had past between you & the several
Tribes that met you here, you have had pity on them, &
I beg in behalf of myself & the people of Chicago that
you will have pity on us also, 'tis true we have been
Fools, & have listened to evil reports, & the whistling
of bad birds, we red people, are a very jealous and foolish
people, & Father amongst you White People, there are
bad people also, that tell us lyes & deceive us, which has
130 According to Parkman, Le Grand Sauteur was Pontiac's chief coadjutor
among the northern Indians in his attack on the English. His Indian name
was Minavavana, and he was considered the author of the plot against Mackinac.
This has been since attributed to Match-e-ke-wis, a younger Indian; but Le
Grand Sauteur remained an inveterate enemy of the English, and was at length
stabbed by an English trader. See Henry, Travels, pp. 42-47. — Ed.
1 62 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
been the occasion of what has past, I need not say much
on this head, I am now convinced, that I have been
wrong for some years past, but there are people who
have behaved worse than I & my people, they were par-
doned last year at this place, I hope we may meet with
the same, that our Women & Children may enjoy the
blessings of peace as the rest of our Bretheren the red
people, & you shall be convinced by our future conduct
that we will behave as well as any Tribe of Inds in this
Country. — A Belt.
He then said that the St. Joseph Indians would have
come along with him, but the English Prisoner which
their Fathers want from them, was some distance off a
hunting, & as soon as they could get him in, they would
deliver him up and desire forgiveness.
14th — I had a private meeting with the grand Sautois
when he told me he was well disposed for peace last Fall,
but was then sent for to the Ilinois, where he met with
Pondiac, & that then their Fathers the French told
them, if they would be strong to keep the English out of
possession of that Country but this Summer, That the
King of France would send over an Army next Spring, to
assist his Children the Indians, and that the King of
Spain would likewise send troops to help them to keep
the English out of their Country, that the English were a
bad people, & had a design to cut off all the Indian
Nations in this Country, & to bring the Southern Indians
to live & settle there, this account made all the Indians
very uneasy in their minds, & after holding a Council
amongst themselves, they all determined to oppose the
English, & not to suffer them to take Possession of the
Ilinois, that for his part he behaved as ill as the rest to
the English Officers that came there in the Spring, but
1765] Croghans 'Journals 163
since he had been better informed of the goodness of the
English, & convinced the French had told lyes for the
love of their Beaver, he was now determined with all his
people to become faithfull to their new Fathers the Eng-
lish, & pay no regard to any stories the French should
tell him for the future.
Sepr 15 th — Col° Campbell & I had a meeting with
the Grand Sautois, at which we informed him of every
thing that had past with the several Nations & Tribes &
told him that we accepted him and his people in Friend-
ship, & would forgive them as we had the rest of the
Tribes, & forget what was past provided their future
conduct should convince us of their sincerity, after which
we gave them some presents, for which he returned
thanks & departed very well satisfied.
19 th — I received a letter by express from Col° Reed
acquainting me of Capt Sterlings setting out from Fort
Pitt, with 100 men of the 42d Reg1 to take possession of
Fort Chartres in the Ilinois Country
20th — I sent of[f] Huron Andrew Express to Cap*
Sterling131 at the Ilinois, & with messages to the several
131 Sir Thomas Stirling, Bart., obtained his company in July, 1757, in the
42a!, or Royal Highland, regiment, which accompanied Abercromby in 1 758,
and Amherst in 1759 in their respective expeditions on Lakes George and
Champlain; was afterwards detailed to assist at the siege of Niagara, and
accompanied Amherst from Oswego to Montreal in 1760. Knox. Captain
Stirling was appointed a Major in 1770, and Lieutenant-colonel of the 42d in
September, 1771. He was in command of his regiment in the engagement on
Staten Island, and in the battle of Brooklyn Heights, in 1776; was afterwards
at the storming of Fort Washington and accompanied the expedition against
Philadelphia. He became Colonel in the army in 1779, and was Brigadier,
under Sir Henry Clinton, in the expedition against Charleston, S. C, in 1780.
Beatson. He succeeded Lieutenant-general Frazer as Colonel of the 71st High-
landers, in February, 1782, and in November following, became Major-general.
He went on the retired list in 1783, when his regiment was disbanded. In 1796
he was appointed Lieutenant-general; was created a Baronet some time after,
and became a General in the army on the first of January, 1801. He died in
1808. Army Lists. — E. B. O'Callaghan.
164 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
Nations in that Country & those on the Ouabache, to
acquaint them of Cap1 Starling's departure from Fort
Pitt for the Ilinois Country.
25 th — The Chiefs of the Sl Joseph Indians arrived
and addressed themselves to Col0 Campbell & me as
follows,
Fathers: We are come here to see you, altho' we
are not acquainted with you, we had a Father formerly,
with whom we were very well acquainted, & never dif-
fered with him, you have conquered him some time ago, &
when you came here first notwithstanding your hands
were all bloody, you took hold of us by the hands, &
used us well, & we thought we should be happy with our
Fathers, but soon an unlucky difference happened, which
threw us all in confusion, where this arose we don't
know but we assure you, we were the last that entered
into this Quarrel, the Inds from this place solicited us
often to join them, but we would not listen to them, at
last they got the better of our foolish young Warriors,
but we never agreed to it, we knew it would answer no
end, & often told our Warriors they were fools, if they
succeeded in killing the few English in this Country, they
could not kill them all because we knew you to be a great
People.
Fathers: you have after all that has happened, re-
ceived all the several Tribes in this Country for your
Children, we from St. Joseph's seem to be the last of
your Children that come to you, we are no more than
Wild Creatures to you Fathers in understanding therefore
we request you'l forgive the past follies of our young
people & receive us for your Children since you have
thrown down our former Father on his back, we have been
wandering in the dark like blind people, now you have dis-
1765] Croghans 'Journals 165
persed all this darkness which hung over the heads of the
several Tribes, & have accepted them for your Children,
we hope you will let us partake with them of the light,
that our Women & Children may enjoy Peace, & we
beg you'l forget all that is past, by this belt we remove all
evil thoughts from your hearts. — A Belt.
Fathers, When we formerly came to visit our late
Fathers the French they always sent us home joyfull, &
we hope you will have pity on our Women & Young Men
who are in great Want of necessarys, & not let us return
home to our Villages ashamed.
Col° Campbell & I made them the following answer.
Children: I have heard with attention what you
have said, & am glad to hear that you have delivered up
the Prisoners at Michillimakinac, agreeable to my desire,
as the other Prisoner who I always thought belonged to
your Nation does not, but the man who has him resides
now in your Country, I must desire you'l do every thing
in your Power to get him brought to me, nothing will give
me greater pleasure than to promote the good Works of
Peace, & make my Children the Indians happy as long
as their own Conduct shall deserve it. I did not know
what to think of your conduct for some time past, but to
convince you of my sincere desire to promote Peace, I
receive you as Children as I have done the other Nations, &
hope your future Conduct may be such, as will convince
me of your sincerity. — A Belt.
Children: Sometimes bad people take the liberty of
stragling into your Country, I desire if you meet any such
people to bring them immediately here, likewise I desire
that none of your Young Men may steal any Horses out
of this settlement as they have done formerly, we shall
see always strict justice done to you, & expect the same
1 66 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
from you, on that your own happiness depends, & as
long as you continue to merit our friendship by good
actions in promoting Peace & Tranquility between your
Young People & His Majesties Subjects, you may expect
to be received here with open arms, & to convince you
further of my sincerity, I give you some cloaths, powder,
lead, vermillion & 2 cags of rum for your young People,
that you may return home without shame as you desired.
Children, I take this oppertunity to tell you that your
Fathers the English are gone down the Ohio from Fort
Pitt to take possession the Ilinois, & desire you may
acquaint all your people of it on your return home, & like-
wise desire you will stop your Ears against the Whistling
of bad birds, & mind nothing else but your Hunting to
support your Familys, that your Women & Children
may enjoy the Blessing of Peace. — A Belt.
September 26th.132 — Set out from Detroit for Niagara;
passed Lake Erie along the north shore in a birch canoe,
and arrived the 8th of October at Niagara. The naviga-
tion of the lake is dangerous for batteaux or canoes, by
reason the lake is very shallow for a considerable dis-
tance from the shore. The bank, for several miles, high
and steep, and affords a harbor for a single batteau. The
lands in general, between Detroit and Niagara, are high,
and the soil good, with several fine rivers falling into the
lake. The distance from Detroit to Niagara is com-
puted three hundred miles.
132 The entry for September 26, and the list of tribes following, are taken
from the Featherstonhaugh-Butler edition of the journal. — Ed.
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Croghan to Sir William Johnson 133
Sir: In the scituation I was in at Ouiatonon, with
great numbers of Indians about me, & no Necessaries
such as Paper & Ink, I had it not in my power to take
down all the speeches made by the Indian Nations, nor
what I said to them, in so particular a manner as I could
wish, but hope the heads of it as I have taken down will
meet with your approbation.
In the Course of this Tour through the Indn Countrys
I made it my study to converse in private with Pondiac, &
several of the Chiefs of the different Nations, as often as
oppertunity served, in order to find out the sentiments
they have of the French & English, Pondiac is a shrewd
sensible Indian of few words, & commands more respect
amongst those Nations, than any Indian I ever saw could
do amongst his own Tribe. He and all his principal men
of those Nations seem at present to be convinced that the
French had a view of interest in stirring up the late dif-
ferance between his Majesties Subjects & them & call it a
Bever War, for neither Pondiac nor any of the Indians
which I met with, ever pretended to deny but the French
were at the bottom of the whole, & constantly supplyed
them with every necessary they wanted, as far as in their
power, every where through that Country & notwith-
standing they are at present convinced, that it was for
their own Interest, yet it has not changed the Indians
affections to them, they have been bred up together like
Children in that Country, & the French have always
133 This letter is reprinted from New York Colonial Documents, vii, pp. 787,
788. It was evidently written after Croghan's return from the West, and
accompanied the official version of his journal, which Johnson sent to England
November 16, 1765. See New York Colonial Documents, vii, p. 775. — Ed.
f UNIVERSITY 1
1765] Croghan s 'Journals 171
adopted the Indians customs & manners, treated them
civily & supplyed their wants generously, by which means
they gained the hearts of the Indians & commanded
their services, & enjoyed the benefit of a very large Furr
Trade, as they well knew if they had not taken this meas-
ure they could not enjoy any of those Advantages. The
French have in a manner taught the Indians in that
Country to hate the English, by representing them in the
worst light they could on all occasion, in particular they
have made the Indians there believe lately, that the Eng-
lish would take their Country from them & bring the
Cherokees there to settle & to enslave them, which report
they easily gave credit to, as the Southern Inds had
lately commenced war against them. I had great dif-
ficulty in removeing this suspicion and convincing them of
the falsity of this report, which I flatter myself I have
done in a great measure, yet it will require some time, a
very even Conduct in those that are to reside in their
Country, before we can expect to rival the French in their
affection, all Indians are jealous & from their high
notion of liberty hate power, those Nations are jealous
and prejudiced against us, so that the greatest care will
be necessary to convince them of our honest Intention by
our Actions. The French sold them goods much dearer t.
than the English Traders do at present, in that point we
have the advantage of the French, but they made that
up in large presents to them for their services, which they
wanted to support their Interest in the Country, & tho'
we want none of their services, yet they will expect fa-
vours, & if refused look on it in a bad light, & very likely
think it done to distress them for some particular Advan-
tages we want to gain over them, they are by no means
so sensible a People as the Six Nations or other Tribes
172 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
this way, & the French have learned them for their own
advantage a bad custom, for by all I could learn, they
seldom made them any general presents, but as it were fed
them with Necessaries just as they wanted them Tribe
by Tribe, & never sent them away empty, which will
make it difficult & troublesome to the Gentlemen that
are to command in their Country for some time, to please
them & preserve Peace, as they are a rash inconsiderate
People and don't look on themselves under any obliga-
tions to us, but rather think we are obliged to them ipx
letting us reside in their Country. As far as I can judge
of their Sentiments by the several Conversations I have had
with them, they will expect some satisfaction made them
by Us, for any Posts that should be established in their
Country for Trade. But you will be informed better by
themselves next Spring, as Pondiac & some Chiefs of
every Nation in that Country intend to pay you a visit.
The several Nations on the Ouiabache, & towards the
Ilinois, St. Josephs, Chicago, Labaye, Sagina & other
places have applyed for Traders to be sent to their set-
tlements, but as it is not in the power of any Officer to
permit Traders to go from Detroit or Michillimackinac,
either English or French, I am of opinion the Inds will
be supplyed this year chiefly from the Ilinois, which is
all French property & if Trading Posts are not estab-
lished at proper Places in that Country soon the French
will carry the best part of the Trade over the Missisipi
which they are determined to do if they can, for I have
been well informed that the French are preparing to
build a strong trading Fort on the other side Missisipi,
about 60 miles above Fort Charins,134 and have this
134 Fort Chartres was originally built as a stockade post in 1720; but in 1756
was rebuilt in stone, and became the most important French fortification in the
1765] Croghatis ^Journals 173
Summer in a private manner transported 26 pieces of
small canon up the River for that purpose.
G. Croghan.
November, 1765.
West. It was an irregular quadrangle, with houses, magazines, barracks, etc.,
defended with cannon. — See Pittman, Settlements on the Mississippi (London,
1770), pp. 45, 46. After its surrender by the French, the English garrisoned the
stronghold until 1772, when the river's erosion made it untenable. For the
present state of the ruins, see Mason, Chapters from Illinois History, pp. 241-249.
The French trading post sixty miles above Fort Chartres, on the western
bank of the river, was the beginning of the present city of St. Louis, which was
founded in April, 1764, by Pierre Laclede. Upon the surrender of the Illinois
to the English, St. Ange, with the garrison and many French families, removed
to this new post, in the expectation of living under French authority. To their
chagrin the place was surrendered to the Spanish the following year. — Ed.
-~**nE$ A
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