10 Astrology, Ritual and Revolution in the Works of Tommaso Campanella (1568–1639) Peter J. Forshaw qui praevidere scit quid divina providentia fore decreverit, concordat consilium suum cum ea. (Campanella, Articuli Prophetales 3) He who knows how to foresee what divine providence has decreed in advance, concords his counsel with it. The power to predict the future was an attractive prospect, with numerous divinatory methods being employed since antiquity. This chapter focuses on the most long-lived of these, the science of astrology. Well into the Renaissance, the existence of a relationship between the celestial and terrestrial realms, and the notion that planetary motions above exercised some influence on activities below, were accepted by many.1 Observation of extraordinary events in the heavens combined with traditional astrological lore to constellate either a passionate belief in a coming new era or intense anxieties about the approach of cataclysmic events. From vast political organisms to lone individuals, all were potentially influenced by the course of the stars. It was, perhaps, inevitable that some would not simply be content with predicting such futures, but would actively attempt to influence their outcome, be that to ward off the effects of the sudden appearance of a comet or an eclipse, or to promote a harmonious way of living according to the stars (Schmitt 4, 8–9). Four essential types of astrological practice took all of this into account, namely, revolutions, nativities, interrogations and elections (Rutkin, ‘Various Uses of Horoscopes’ 168). Revolutions, the domain of mundane astrology, were orientated towards general world events, concerned with large-scale natural and historical changes, from meteorological to political. The annual publications of almanacs were the most popular manifestation of this form of practice, with their predictions of freak acts of nature, like storms, floods or the outbreak of plague. Nativities, on the other hand, were the concern of genethliac astrology, the calculation and interpretation 182 Peter J. Forshaw of horoscopes showing the particular configuration of the heavens at an individual’s birth. These could be of use for the propaedeutics of medicine, as an aid to the prognostications of physicians; iatromathematics or astrological medicine helped in identifying individual propensities towards certain ailments indicated in a chart and then in recommending an appropriate diet, preventative sanitary regimen and so forth, for the preservation of health (Chapman 279; French 454, 458–9). Taking this a stage further, judicial astrology attempted to predict future possibilities, probabilities or fatal certainties (depending on the outlook of the astrologer) in an individual’s life, although this practice provoked fierce debates about astral determinism and free will and was the form of astrology most commonly condemned (Chapman 275). Interrogations addressed any matter of concern, including medical, relationship or business-related issues, with horoscopes being cast for the moment at which a particular question was asked. Finally, elections determined the most propitious moment to begin an enterprise or perform an activity, such as a coronation, marriage, voyage or indeed the founding of a city. By the mid-thirteenth century, astrology had been integrated into the standard philosophical curriculum of Western universities, as part of the quadrivium alongside mathematics, music and geometry; and it was fi rmly allied with medicine by the fi fteenth century (Kusukawa 34). 2 Medical chairs for astrology existed, for example, in Bologna, Ferrara, Padua and Naples, and outside Italy in Paris and Krakau (Hübner, ‘Astrologie in der Renaissance’ 249). Nor was it simply physicians who valued astrology. In Rome, many of the popes were patrons of astrologers, including Pius II (1405–1464), Sixtus IV (1414–1484), Leo X (1475–1521) and above all Paul III (1468–1549). 3 Among the Reformers, Luther (1483–1546) criticized astrology as an illicit pagan art; indeed, a dangerous game with the devil, arguing that startling events or universal catastrophes should not be attributed to the stars but to the will of God (Brosseder 559; Zambelli 2). Calvin (1509–1564) warned against the superstitions of ‘bastardly’ judicial astrology, but he did condone ‘natural astrology’ related to medical prognosis (Kusukawa 42; Chapman 279). Melanchthon (1497–1560), though, was far more enthusiastic, considering astrology to be a science with hermeneutic potential in many spheres of life, of value for the study of nature as well as for the history and fate of mankind (Brosseder 574; Kusukawa 38).4 TOMMASO CAMPANELLA This chapter considers astrology in the writings of the southern Italian philosopher Tommaso Campanella (1568–1639), an early modern thinker possessed by a vision of the total restoration of society and morals, of the return of mankind to a state of innocence before Adam’s fall and of Astrology, Ritual and Revolution 183 himself as the prophet destined to usher in this coming transformation (Eamon 386). Born 5 September 1568 in the Calabrian town of Stilo, the son of an impoverished and illiterate cobbler, Campanella entered the Dominican Order in 1582 at the age of fourteen. In 1589, dissatisfied with his circumstances, he left his isolated convent without seeking permission from his superiors and travelled to Naples, the political and cultural capital of the region. There he quickly made contact with the city’s most influential natural philosophers, in particular Giovanni Battista della Porta (1535–1615), founder of the Accademia dei Secreti and author of one of the Renaissance’s best-known works on natural magic, the Magia Naturalis, first published in 1558. Campanella arrived just in time for the publication of its new, expanded twenty-book edition in 1589, at the height of Della Porta’s fame (Eamon 373). Inspired by Della Porta and his circle, Campanella wrote his first magical work in 1590, De sensu rerum et magia libri quatuor (Four Books on the Sense of Things and on Magic; fi rst published 1620). In the twentieth and final chapter of the fourth book, bearing the title ‘Astrology is necessary for the best Magician’, he bluntly states that ‘[n]o man is so stupid as to be unaware that the generation, corruption, alterations, times of the year, changes of the air, sea and land, germination of animals and plants, are affected by the increase and decrease of the two luminaries and the stars’.5 All this takes place by God’s will, which is why the Church Fathers are unanimous in praising the Magi who knew of Christ through the stars.6 Indeed, it is evident to him that astrology cannot be a human invention, for in a thousand centuries men would not have been able to designate so many images in heaven which by symbol and virtue correspond to terrestrial and marine things, and to distribute signs to the planets, according to their qualities, and to assign their triplicities, and terminations and exaltations in 360 degrees.7 Astrology, then, was a divine science, one promising profound insights into God’s creation and the potential for exerting power over micro- and macrocosm; Campanella was determined to be a significant practitioner. For the purposes of this chapter, four instances are adduced to illustrate the significance of various forms of astrological practice in Campanella’s activities as, respectively, social revolutionary, architect of an ideal city, ritual magician by papal command and herald of the future Sun King. GREAT CONJUNCTIONS Whereas the casting of horoscopes of individuals went through periods of condemnation by the church on account of anxieties about the Christian 184 Peter J. Forshaw principle of free will, influential medieval theologians like Aquinas, Bacon and Bonaventure held that the practice of ‘universal’ astrology was legitimate and that it was indeed easier and more accurate to predict events ‘in communi, in pluribus, in multitudine’ (Zambelli 21–2). Our fi rst instance relates to this ‘universal’ form of astrology in the chronosophical theory of the Great Conjunctions.8 This theory had reached the West through translations of the works of Arab philosophers, the most influential being the De magnis coniunctionibus (1489) of ninth-century astrologer Albumasar (Abū Ma’shar).9 This treatise presented the idea of a universal history couched in an astrological framework, where conjunctions of the two outermost planets in the medieval and renaissance cosmos, Saturn and Jupiter, defi ned world ages. In Arabic astrology, Saturn and Jupiter are jointly responsible for religion, prophecy, empires, kingdoms and dynasties (Tractatus III, Differentia I [sig. D8r]). As Saturn returns to the same point in its circuit around the heavens roughly every twenty-nine years and Jupiter every twelve years, their conjunctions occur approximately every twenty years, cyclically effecting changes in religious beliefs, the rise and fall of empires, victories and losses in war; combined with the other planets of the cosmos and varying benign or malign planetary alignments (aspects), they also give rise to natural calamities, such as epidemics, famines and floods. Different events take place depending on the sign of the Zodiac in which a particular conjunction occurs. The twelve zodiacal signs are subcategorized as belonging to one of the four elements (earth, water, air and fi re), three signs per element (for example, Aries, Leo and Sagittarius are all fi re signs and as such constitute the fiery trigon). Additional significance is seen when there is a transfer of the conjunction from one elemental triplicity to another, an event which takes place roughly every 240 years (following the sequence fi re to earth, to air, to water; then back to fi re). After a period of 960 years the whole system of Saturn-Jupiter conjunctions returns to its starting point in the fi rst sign of the Zodiac, the fi re sign Aries. This ‘return’ was believed to bring about an epoch-making event, the onset of a new phase of religious or political history (Aston 162). These three periodic events are, respectively, the Small, Middle and Great Conjunctions (Pomian 36–7).10 One of the most influential Renaissance exponents of this universal astrology was the Bohemian Cyprian Leowitz (1524–1574), who, in his De coniunctionibus magnis insignioribus superiorum planetarum [ . . . ] expositione (1564), promoted a science of prediction or natural prophecy based on repeated celestial observations and the careful comparison of data and facts from historical records. Believing that through knowledge of past events he could make probable hypotheses about the future, he interpreted the preceding 1,600 years of history in the light of the great conjunctions, eclipses and comets occurring in the heavens, and then looked into the future, aligning his fi ndings with biblical prophesies of the fourth and last Monarchy in Daniel 2.11 Astrology, Ritual and Revolution 185 A FATAL YEAR During his period of contact with the circle of intellectuals at Della Porta’s Neapolitan academy, Campanella came to develop an understanding of how astrology could serve a ‘prophetic and revolutionary function’ (Grafton, Cardano’s Cosmos 55). With various astrologers, he discussed how celestial events could portend or precipitate dramatic political transformations or ‘mutations of the state’ (Eamon 387; Ernst, ‘Gli astri e la vita dell’uomo’ 161). Through assiduous research and observation, the seasoned astrologer might not only come to comprehend the laws of past historical change, but might then project them into the future and perhaps even exert an influence at nodal points in astrological time, by analyzing possible interpretations and attempting to tip the balance in favour of a particular outcome. Like Leowitz, Campanella consulted ‘old histories’ (‘istorie vecchie’), specifically relating to the kingdom of Naples, and became convinced that a revolution, or mutation, ‘ought to happen soon’ (‘m’entrò in pensiero che dovesse parire presto mutazione’).12 Like many of his contemporary millenarians, Campanella believed that the year 1600 signalled the beginning of a new age.13 Such a date was portentous by virtue of its numerological significance, composed as it was of a hundred times seven and nine, both of which were fatal numbers according to Pythagoras and Plato in antiquity and more recently Jean Bodin in Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem (Method for the Easy Understanding of Histories, 1566) and Les Six Livres de la République (1576).14 In a series of apocalyptic sermons preached from February to April 1599 Campanella publicly announced in the church of his home town, Stilo, the imminence of grave, worldly upheavals (Headley 36).15 Comparing himself to the prophet Amos, a poor shepherd from the Southern Kingdom of Judah sent by Jehovah to expose the moral and political corruption of the Israelites, he believed that he had been called to save his southern Italian homeland. That spring he became the spiritual leader of an abortive popular revolt to overthrow the tyrannical rule of the king of Spain and transform the province of Calabria into a theocratic commune with himself at its head. Betrayed by fellow conspirators, however, he was captured, accused of heresy and insurrection and, after a trial that dragged on for four years, only managed to avoid the death penalty by feigning madness. Campanella’s sentence was commuted to life-long imprisonment and he was to spend the next twenty-seven years incarcerated in various Neapolitan fortresses as a guest of the Inquisition (Eamon 370–1, 392 and 394). PROPHETIC ARTICLES AND THE CITY OF THE SUN In the early years of his imprisonment, Campanella produced two works particularly germane to our discussion: the Articuli prophetales and the 186 Peter J. Forshaw Civitas Solis.16 In the Prophetic Articles, he presents himself as the author of a ‘new and wonderful, heretofore unknown way of predicting through the stars’ (‘nova et mirabilis via hactenus ignota praedicendi per sidera’), and expresses his expectation of a wonderful renovatio, a new golden age in which every conflict will be abolished through the unity of political and religious life and the shared ownership of all property (Ernst, ‘Aspetti dell’astrologia e della profezia’ 259). This assertion is supported by quotations from the prophets’ writings together with sophisticated astrological analyses and speculations about the typological connections between the six days of creation and the six millenniums of the world (Ernst, ‘From the Watery Trigon’ 266). The last chapter of the Articuli is specifically astrological and was written in prediction of the great conjunction of 1603. We know from two of Campanella’s sonnets annexed to this fi nal chapter (‘On the Great Conjunction that will take place on 24 December 1603’ and ‘The said conjunction will fall on the revolution of the birth of Christ’) that he was awaiting this momentous occasion with great anticipation of the total renewal of society and Christianity. 17 This excitement comes across, too, in a letter to Galileo, where he mentions the pronostico astrologico he had written foretelling, among other things, the rise of new celestial sciences (‘novas scientias caelestes’)—although Galileo at times evinces some scepticism towards the claims of astrologers in his works, sufficient manuscript evidence survives to show that he ‘knew the technicalities of astrology rather well’, and composed horoscopes not merely for paying clients, but also displays a far more personal interest in calculating his own nativity as well as those of his two daughters (Lettere 169).18 December 1603 was to witness a grand conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn in the fiery sign of Sagittarius, being a shift from the Watery to the Fiery Trigon and as such a return to the same elemental trigon that had preceded the birth of Christ. Not only had the Christian faith had its origins and its main period of growth during such a fiery triplicity, but the fi rst great conjunction of the new triplicity would also coincide with the ‘revolution’ of the birth of Christ, for it was expected to take place on the very anniversary of Christ’s birth. The spectacular nova that followed this great conjunction only confi rmed Campanella’s conviction concerning the significance of this celestial event (Dooley 103). The other text composed during the early years of Campanella’s confi nement is undoubtedly his best-known work, that ‘testament to the eminent place of astrology’ in his philosophy and blueprint for an ideal city-state, the City of the Sun.19 The fi rst Latin edition of the Civitas Solis appears in a larger work, Realis Philosophiae Epilogisticae partes Quatuor (Four Epilogistical Parts of Real Philosophy, That Is, on the Nature of Things, the Mores of Men, Political and Economical, with Physiological annotations, 1623), where it is the appendix to the third part on Politics, presented in the form of a ‘poetical dialogue’ between a Genoese sea captain and a Grand Master of the Order of Knight Hospitallers. 20 Jean-Claude Astrology, Ritual and Revolution 187 Schmitt, writing of Thomas More’s Utopia (1516) in Medieval Futures, states that ‘the new form of the future in the sixteenth century is the utopia’, a work that ‘breaks with eschatology, with millenarianism and even with the myths of the inversion of the socio-religious order of the Middle Ages, such as that of the land of Cockaigne’ (16). Whereas this may be true of More’s work, Campanella’s does not conform to Schmitt’s criteria, for the City of the Sun is imbued with a combination of prophetic, astrological and magical themes, with the eschatological prospect of the recovery of a golden age (Eamon 398). 21 Campanella’s ideal state, as Frances Yates observed, is ‘saturated through and through with astrology; its whole way of life is directed towards achieving a beneficial relationship with the stars’, and it serves as a model for ‘a complete reflection of the world as governed by the laws of natural magic in dependence on the stars’. 22 Astrology, indeed, is an essential factor in the very founding of the city, involving a careful ‘election’ of the perfect moment to ensure that the City of the Sun maintains a correct relationship between nature and society.23 Campanella elaborates these ideas further and in far more detail in a later work, the Astrologicorum Libri VI (Six Books of Astrological Matters), where he advises, for instance, that the most favourable astral conditions for founding a town are when the sun is rising in Leo (its own sign), in a positive aspect to the beneficial planet Jupiter and when all the other planets are in the best possible locations for their natures (moon in Taurus, Mars in the fiery ninth house in its natural sign of Aries, and so forth). 24 Nothing is left to chance in Campanella’s City. The beneficial running of the ‘Solarian’ community is directly linked to the rhythms of nature and astrology, determining everything from changes of clothes, the ceremonial calendar, education and choice of profession, to animal husbandry. Following methods resembling those recommended by the Neoplatonist Ocellus Lucanus in De universi natura libellus (1559) and by Della Porta in Magia naturalis, the Solarians encourage cattle to mate under an auspicious astral configuration in Taurus, or horses in a suitable moment in the constellation of the centaur, Sagittarius (Headley 22, 302). 25 They apply a similar approach to the begetting of children, the act being treated ‘more religiously, ritualistically, and even magically’ than in Plato’s famous consideration of utopian eugenics in the Republic (Headley 303). 26 Partners are selected on the basis of astrological temperaments and physical looks. They abstain from intercourse until an astrologically suitable moment determined by the city astrologer and doctor, preferably when the fertile sign of Virgo is rising over the eastern horizon and when there is no risk of a malign influence from the malefic planets Saturn and Mars. This will ensure the conception of children with the purest natural constitution and the most beneficial horoscopic predispositions for society as a whole. In this, it should be stressed, Campanella is in accord with some of the leading medical advice of his day, for the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Paris advocated 188 Peter J. Forshaw recourse to astrology for such practical guidance for the procreation of future generations (Roger 67–8). 27 Anthony Grafton observes that Campanella attempts to fuse ‘traditional assumptions about the order and nature of the cosmos with new visions of physical force, astronomical law and the world of the elements’ and that this fusion is not altogether stable, with incongruities appearing at every point (‘Humanism, Magic and Science’ 108). On the one hand, Campanella states that astrological portents foretold how the recently invented compass, printing press and arquebus would make possible ‘a great new monarchy, reformation of laws and of arts, new prophets, and a general renewal of the world’, thereby displaying a Baconian optimism for technological progress that appears to locate him with the moderns—it is worth mentioning that Bacon himself displayed a strong interest in a reformed astrologia sana, in relation to natural knowledge and politics, in De augmentis scientiarum (1623). 28 On the other hand, the inhabitants of the City of the Sun believe that the sun is gradually approaching the earth, an indication of the imminent end of the world, a belief which smacks of the millenarianism that Schmitt classes as backwards-looking. 29 It could be argued, however, that for the devout late-Renaissance Christian, such a prophecy represents the ‘absolutely irreversible’ conception of time that Schmitt (and Krystof Pomian) consider intrinsic to the modern view of the future (Schmitt 16–17). Campanella’s City certainly generated some significant, and perhaps somewhat unexpected, attention from his contemporaries, most noteworthy being the enthusiasm for his utopian vision displayed by Tobias Adami, a relative of Johann Valentin Andreae (1586–1654), author of both the Rosicrucian Chemical Wedding of Christian Rozenkreutz (1616) and the utopian Christianopolis (1619).30 Evidently, Campanella’s extremely original and audacious combination of astrological, prophecy and utopianism successfully crossed the confessional divide, attracting progressive Lutheran thinkers similarly interested in universal reform. 31 A RITUAL FOR THE POPE Our third example of Campanella’s use of astrology follows his eventual release from the Castel Nuovo in Naples in 1626 and his arrival in Rome, where he was to become embroiled in a ‘politico-astrological affaire of international proportions’. 32 There he was again imprisoned for two years, but during his imprisonment he composed an astrological work, the De siderali fato vitando (How to Avoid Fate Dictated by the Star), possibly with an eye to attracting the attention of the current pope, whose passion for astrology was well known.33 D. P. Walker drily remarks that Urban VIII (1568–1644) was a fi rm believer in astrology, in the habit of commissioning horoscopes of cardinals resident in Rome and openly predicting the dates of their deaths (Walker Astrology, Ritual and Revolution 189 205). Urban was growing increasingly anxious, however, about astrological predictions of his own imminent demise, published by Don Orazio Morandi, abbot of the monastery of Santa Prassede (Dooley 160, 178). The two most perilous periods centred around an eclipse of the moon in January 1628 and of the sun in December the same year, followed by a solar eclipse in June 1630 (Walker 206). 34 Morandi’s prediction became part of a power struggle in Rome and was exploited by a pro-Spanish faction antagonistic to Urban’s favouritism for the French (Dooley 160). Here we move, then, from considerations of the great conjunctions of Saturn and Jupiter and their impact on world events to conjunctions of the sun and moon and their influence on an individual’s horoscope, that of a major mover of terrestrial events, the head of the Roman Church, whose destiny had potentially more wide-reaching consequences than most. To counter these planetary (and political) dangers, Urban called in an expert, one, moreover, less likely to profess Spanish sympathies. True, in De monarchia hispanica (1599) Campanella had proposed a universal world monarchy, with the pope and the king of Spain respectively acting as spiritual and civil heads, assisted by a senate composed of all the princes of the world; evidently, however, his attitude towards Spain underwent a drastic change the very same year, resulting in the aforementioned abortive revolt (Eamon 386; Vanden Broecke 227). It is possible that Urban had such sympathies and antipathies in mind with his choice of astrological adviser. Whatever the case, during the summer of 1628 both the Florentine and Venetian ambassadors noted the frequent confidential meetings between the pope and ‘a certain Campanella, most able and unique in astrology as well as many other talents’ (Headley 108). In a special room in the Castel Gandolfo, Campanella performed astral-magical apotropaic rites for warding off the malign influences of the eclipses. What he practised closely resembles that most influential fi fteenth-century work on astral magic, the third book of the Neoplatonic philosopher Marsilio Ficino’s De vita libri tres (1489), the De vita coelitus comparanda (On Living Life According to the Stars). In De vita, Ficino provides practical advice on how to mitigate or at least assuage the less beneficial effects of the planets Saturn and Mars through such practices as the use of substances containing beneficial solar virtues and the singing of solar hymns. 35 Campanella leaves us in no doubt as to his familiarity with Ficino’s book, giving a detailed analysis of its astrological magic in his own monumental Universalis Philosophiae seu Metaphysicarum rerum [ . . . ] Libri 18 (Eighteen Books of Universal Philosophy or of Metaphysical Things, 1638), a work which contains many of his meditations on fate, necessity, foreknowledge and providence. 36 He and Urban sealed the doors and windows of their safe room against the outside air, festooned it with white silken cloths and purified the air within by sprinkling perfumes and scents and by burning the aromatic woods, laurel, myrtle, rosemary and cypress. They lit two lamps and five torches to represent the planets, together with other lights 190 Peter J. Forshaw for the constellations of the zodiac. Music evoking the benefic virtues of Jupiter and Venus was played; they were surrounded by stones, plants and colours sympathetic to these benign energies; and they even drank astrologically distilled liquors appropriate for the occasion.37 When the pope’s brother died in February 1630, Urban was, perhaps, relieved to imagine that the ill fortune predicted for him had instead fallen on his brother (Rutkin, ‘Various Uses of Horoscopes’ 177). The affair was not, however, over. In 1629 Campanella had published his Six Books of Astrological Matters, proudly promoting his new form of ‘astrology treated physiologically, purged of all superstition of the Arabs and Jews’. 38 Unfortunately for him, his activities with Urban had provoked powerful enemies, namely, the pro-Spanish general of the Dominican order, Niccolò Ridolfi , and the Master of the Sacred Palace, Niccolò Riccardi, who rushed through a new edition of the Astrologicorum Libri, published without his consent, including a seventh book, Campanella’s private record of the rituals he had performed with the pope (Dooley 164). 39 This was far too compromising for Urban, who risked being accused of superstitious practices. In an effort to avert any scandal, in April 1631, he hurriedly promulgated an extremely severe bull, Inscrutabilis, against all types of divination, judicial astrology in particular (Ernst, ‘Gli astri e la vita dell’uomo’ 176–7). Campanella was once again out of favour and departed Rome for safer climes. ECLOGUE FOR THE DAUPHIN Our fourth and fi nal instance fi nds Campanella in France, well received by Louis XIII and Cardinal Richelieu, who offer him refuge from his Italian troubles. In Paris he spent his fi nal years editing his Opera Omnia, including the revised version of the City of the Sun (1637). Although, earlier in his life, before the catastrophic revolt, Campanella had pinned his hopes on Spain as the candidate for his universal monarchy, it is evident that in his waning years he saw the more hospitable French monarchy as the new hope for this renovatio. In his consideration, the Bourbon fortune was waxing; the Hispano-Habsburg power in decline (Ernst, ‘Tommaso Campanella’ 237). In his dedication of the Paris edition of On the Sense of Things and of Magic to Cardinal Richelieu in 1637, Campanella appealed to him to build the City of the Sun, as he had attempted so many years ago in Calabria (Yates, Giordano Bruno 390). The following year, on 4 September 1638, the day before Campanella’s seventieth birthday, a son was born to the French Monarch, and this infant Dauphin was saluted by Campanella in an Ecloga Christianissima Regi et Reginae in portentosam Delphini [ . . . ] Nativitatem (A Most Christian Eclogue to the King and Queen on the Portentous Nativity of the Dauphin, 1639), a fi nal eloquent testimony to the convergence of astrology, prophecy and utopia in Campanella’s thought.40 The Dauphin was heralded as the Astrology, Ritual and Revolution 191 French Cockerel destined to rule with a reformed pope a united world in which all kings and peoples would assemble in a city built by this illustrious new hero, a city that would be called Héliaca, the City of the Sun (Yates, Giordano Bruno 390). The City’s author, however, was not to live to see the ascent of the ‘Sun King’, Louis XIV. Renegade friar, revolutionary, magus and heretic, Campanella died in his cell in the Dominican convent of the Rue St. Honoré on 21 May 1639. CONCLUSION In a discussion of different kinds of prophecy (divine, natural, diabolic, angelic) in Universalis Philosophiae, the great summation of his life’s work, his ‘Bible of Philosophy’, Campanella categorizes astrology as a form of artificial prophecy, alongside the drawing of lots and politics (Ernst, ‘“Redeunt Saturnia Regna”’ 443; Campanella, Universalis Philosophiae 226–7). Confronting such issues as whether astrological divination concerns the understanding of celestial events as signs of terrestrial ones (the Augustinian perspective) or as causes (the Aristotelian view), he concludes that the stars act directly through common causes on all corporeal bodies, but only indirectly on minds.41 With this he maintains the capacity of astrological theory to serve as a means of analyzing the rise and fall of civilizations and act as an instrument of social engineering in his ideal city at the same time as avoiding a fatalistic stance that would deprive human existence of any meaning. In his earlier Astrologicarum libri, speaking from painful personal experience, Campanella asserts that if no amount of physical torture can defeat the human spirit, still less can the stars, which by no means impose themselves so violently, impinge on free will.42 From the four instances discussed in this article, it is clear that Campanella sustained a fi rm belief throughout his life in the authenticity of his new approach to astrological predictions and his ability to harness the powers of the stars, be that in the attempt to exploit a nodal-point in time at the moment of a great conjunction, the ameliorating of specific short-term celestial events with the eclipses, or the long-term breeding programme for future generations of ideal inhabitants in the City of the Sun. More than any other philosopher of his era, Campanella’s writings present a particularly heady blend of astrological tradition, millenarian prophecy and revolutionary reform. Notwithstanding all the vicissitudes of his tragic life, with his optimistic combination of natural and political philosophy, Campanella stands Janus-like on the threshold of modern thought, gazing at new horizons, a sentiment expressed in his fi nal work: Man lives in a double world: [ . . . ] according to the body he exists not, except in only so much space as is least required, held fast in prison and in chains to the extent that he is not able to be in or to go to the 192 Peter J. Forshaw place attained by his intellect and will, nor to occupy more space than defi ned by the shape of his body; while with the mind he occupies a thousand worlds.43 NOTES 1. For general introductions to astrology in the Renaissance, see Copenhaver; Rutkin, ‘Astrology’ 541–61; Thorndike Vol. 5, Chs. 10–8, and Vol. 6, Chs. 33–5; Faracovi, ‘Astrology IV’; Tester, particularly Ch. 6. 2. On astrology/astronomy and the Quadrivium, see Hübner, Die Begriffe ‘Astrologie’. 3. See Thorndike Vol. 5, Ch. 13. 4. See Müller-Jahncke 226–45. 5. Campanella, De Sensu Rerum et Magia. ‘Necessariam mago optimo Astrologiam esse, & de eius virtute, veritate, & usu’ (219). ‘Hominum nemo ita stupidus est, qui non animaduertat, generationem, corruptionem, alterationes, anni tempora, aeris mutationes & maris & terrae, & animalium & plantarum germinationes, augmenta, decrementaque a duobus effici luminaribus & stellis.’ 6. ‘Sancti patres vno ore laudant Magos, qui Christum in stellis cognouerunt’ (357). 7. ‘Non equidem credo Astrologiam ab hominibus inuentam esse. In mille enim seculis non potuissent homines tot imagines in coelo designare quae symbolo & virtute responderent rebus terrestribus & marinis, & signa Planetis distribuere, iuxta qualitates suas, & triangulos proprios adsignare, & terminos in gradibus 360 & exaltationes’ (358). 8. On chronosophy as ‘integration of the past, the present and the future of the object under study into one image or a description of its future in order to complete the history of its past and its present’, see Pomian 29. 9. Albumasar de magnis coniunctionibus: annorum revolutionibus: ac eorum profectionibus: octo continens tractatus (1489). 10. These and other calculations appear in Albumasar de magnis coniunctionibus, Tractatus I, Differentia I, sigs. A3r–A4r. 11. Ernst, ‘From the Watery Trigon’ 274–5; Brosseder 570. Leowitz begins with a conjunction in Scorpio in 47 BCE (sig Bv). 12. Campanella, Dichiarazione rilasciata a Castelvetere 144. There, Campanella refers to Leowitz’s ephemerides in relation to the great eclipses, presumably either Leowitz’s Eclipses luminarium [ . . . ] supputatae or Ephemeridum novum atque insigne opus ab anno domini 1556 usque in 1606 accuratissime supputatum. 13. On apocalypticism and millenarianism, see Barnes and Tuveson. 14. For Campanella on fatal numbers, see Realis Philosophiae Epilogisticae partes Quatuor 371. See also Yates, Giordano Bruno 364. For the reference to Bodin, see Campanella, Secunda delineatio Defensionum Fratris Thomae Campanellae 209. On the fatal numbers seven and nine, see Bodin, Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem: ‘[ . . . ] ita quoque Rerum publicarum conversiones, aut septenariis ac novenariis multiplicatis, aut eorum quadratis in se ductis, aut perfectis aut sphaericis numeris contingere’ (204); and Bodin, De Republica Libri Sex, Bk. 4, Ch. 2, An Rerumpublicarum conversiones prospici possint? ‘& ut septenarius ac novenarius hominibus initium nascendi tribuere solent, ita quoque numerus ex utriusque propagatione coalescens exitum afferre consuevit. Idem ego ad Astrology, Ritual and Revolution 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 193 Respublicas transfero, ut numeri septenarii ac novenarii quique ex eorum quadratis & cubicis existunt, Rebuspublicis saepius occasum & interitum afferant’ (651–2). For more on Bodin’s Methodus, see Couzinet. On Bodin and the question of astral determinism, see Blair 130; Campion, ‘Astrological Historiography in the Renaissance’. See Campanella’s letter to Cardinal Odoardo Farnese in Tommaso Campanella, Lettere 21–3. The Articuli prophetales date from 1608–1609. The City of the Sun was initially written in Italian as La Città del Sole in 1602, existed in a Latin version, the Civitas Solis by 1615, which was eventually published in Frankfurt in 1623; then after further revisions again in Paris in 1637. See La Cité du Soleil xlix. ‘Sonnetto sopra la congiunzion magna, che sarà l’anno 1603 a’ 24 di Dicembre’ and ‘La detta congiunzione cade nella revoluzione della natività di Cristo.’ Tutte le opere di Tommaso Campanella 1.125–6; Campanella, Articuli 260–300. See Ernst, ‘Gli astri e la vita dell’uomo’ 162. On Galileo and astrology, see, for example Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems 110. Quotation from Ernst, ‘Astrology and Prophecy in Campanella and Galileo’ 30. See also Kollerstrom and Pizzamiglio, particularly 143–58. Firpo, ‘Campanella astrologo’, Ricerche Campanelliane 139. Campanella, La Cité du soleil trans. Crahay 61. In the original Italian version, the conversation is between a simple member of the order and a Genoese pilot who had accompanied Columbus on his voyage to America. See also the chapters ‘L’utopismo del Rinascimento e l’età nuova’ (241–61) and ‘Il mito solare del Campanella’ (307–29), Firpo, Lo stato ideale. Yates, Giordano Bruno 369. For more detail, see Ch. 20 of Yates’s book. See also Scrimieri 742–4. See Curry, who mentions that Gerrard Winstanley, leading Digger radical in the Interregnum, ‘advocated that astrology should be taught in his utopian society’ (27). Campanella, Astrologicorum Libri VI, Bk. 6, Ch. 4; Jean-Patrice Boudet, in a forthcoming article, ‘From Baghdad to Civitas Solis: Horoscopes of Foundations of Cities’, points out that Campanella changes some of this advice in the later edition of the City of the Sun. Lucanus is cited by Campanella in De sensu rerum et magia (305–6). See also Porta Bk. 2, Chs. 19–20 (51–4). See also Firpo, ‘La cité idéale de Campanella’ 329. Campanella returns to this theme of generation ‘sub felicibus astris’ in the Articuli Prophetales and in the Theologia. See the Articuli Prophetales 89; La prima e la seconda resurrezione 62, 70. Quotation from Eamon 400. See also Dooley 28; Rutkin, ‘Various Uses of Horoscopes’. Campanella could have found warrant for such belief in the works of St. Cyprian, who held that nature was declining through old age (458). See Tuveson 13–14. Formichetti 199–217; Edighoffer 155; Yates, Rosicrucian Enlightenment 137–8. According to Yates, Campanella also received visits from another friend of Andreae, Wilhelm Wense. The influence of the City of the Sun can also be seen in the Orbis sensualis pictus (1658) by the Czech pansophist and educational reformer Jan Amos Comenius (1592–1670). See Firpo, ‘La cité idéale de Campanella’ 329; and Bolzoni 799. Ernst, ‘Gli astri e la vita dell’uomo’ 165; Ernst, ‘Scienza, astrologia e politica nella Roma barocca’. 194 Peter J. Forshaw 33. Walker 209; Formichetti 199; Rutkin, ‘Various Uses of Horoscopes’ 177. See also Campanella, Opuscoli Astrologici. 34. On the malign influence of eclipses, see Geneva 97–9 and 218–23. 35. See, for example, Ficino Ch. 11 on tastes and odours relating to specifi c planets; Ch. 14 on ‘Solar Things’; and Ch. 21 ‘On the Power of Words and Song’. 36. See, for instance, ‘Schema Necesitatis’ (271); and his ‘Schema Fati’ (275). 37. Walker 207; Yates, Giordano Bruno 375; Formichetti 211. 38. Campanella, Astrologicorum Libri VI, the extended title of which states in quibus Astrologia, omni superstitione Arabum, & Iudaeorum eliminata, physiologicè tractatur. For further instances of Campanella’s rejection of Arabic, Egyptian, Chaldaean and Indian astrological practices, see Campanella, Articuli Prophetales 8, 48. 39. For another interpretation of these events, which does not accept the argument that the seventh book was published by Campanella’s enemies, see Grillo. 40. For Louis XIV’s nativity, see Morin 554–5; for Campanella’s horoscope, see Faracovi, ‘Sull’oroscopo di Campanella’; and Ernst, Religione, Ragione e Natura 27, 157. 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