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2002 •
This monograph attempts a new historical and comparative analysis of Old English (OE) preterite-present verbs. Preterite-present verbs show morphological peculiarities: their present singular typically exhibits the o-grade radical vocalism, to conform with the preterite singular of a strong verb, whilst their preterite is augmented with a dental suffix, which accords with the preterite formation of a weak verb. Traditionally, English and Germanic philologists have construed these characteristics as the result of an original o-grade perfect having been reinterpreted as the new present, along with the suppression of the original e-grade present, and of the Germanic (Gmc.) dental or weak preterite having been newly adopted for the preterite formation; this standpoint may be labelled the ‘strong verb origin’ theory. The present work calls this view into question by focusing on the difficulties inherent in this conventional approach. Authentic Indo-European comparative linguistic studies have considered that (the present tense formations of) the OE or Gmc. preterite-present verbs are reflexes of the archaic Proto-Indo-European (PIE) stative perfects, though the dental preterites are an independently Germanic innovation. Whilst this understanding, which may be dubbed the ‘stative perfect origin’ theory, seems to provide a far better explanation than the ‘strong verb origin’ theory, there also remain several significant issues to be resolved. First, how did the Gmc. preterite-present verbs lose their original reduplication if they go back to the PIE perfect? Second, does the Indo-European comparative evidence guarantee that all the preterite-present verbs unequivocally refer back to a PIE stative perfect alone? Third, how can the third person plural ending *-un in the present tense formation of the Gmc. preterite-present verb be explained, given that the third person plural termination of the PIE perfect should develop into *-ur in Germanic? Fourth, which PIE formation should the peculiar morphology of the infinitive of a Gmc. preterite-present verb reflect? This monograph claims that these important problems are not resolved if we merely assume that the PIE stative perfect continued into the Gmc. preterite-present by losing its original reduplication due to morphological haplology. These matters are interconnected to a remarkable extent, and a systematic account can be offered only if we recognize that the OE or Gmc. preterite-present verbs are in essence a historical product within the Germanic branch, resulting from the morphological conflation of the PIE stative perfect active and a PIE athematic present tense middle formation which can convey a present stative meaning; this perspective may be tagged as the ‘morphological conflation’ theory. This monograph adopts the ‘h2e-conjugation theory’ advocated recently by Jay H. Jasanoff and demonstrates that the same theory, remarkable in the very high level of explanatory power it achieves in treating the origin of the Anatolian ḫi-conjugation verbs, is also effective when attempting to give a historical account of the present tense formation of the OE or Gmc. preterite-present verbs. The core members of the preterite-present group have arisen from what is called a PIE stative-intransitive system within the framework of the h2e-conjugation theory, whilst there are also other preterite-present members which to some extent deviate from this pattern. In this way, the present work focuses on the historical and comparative analysis of the present tense formation of the preterite-present verb; accordingly, the origin and development of the Germanic dental preterite, another important issue concerning preterite-present morphology, is left open for future research.
1994 •
Presentation. 91st Annual Meeting of the Linguistic Society of America, Austin, Texas. 4 January 2017.
The Development of the Germanic Preterite System: Learnability and the Modeling of Diachronic Morphophonological Change2017 •
Indogermanische Forschungen
On the distribution of velar consonants in the suffixes and endings of Indo-European2002 •
Paper presented at LSA 2017
The Development of the Germanic Preterite System: Learnability and the Modeling of Diachronic Morphophonological Change (LSA 2017 talk)2017 •
The paper reconsiders the fate of medial *-sr- in Germanic, especially in the context of Verner's Law. It is argued that the epenthesis of *-t- took place later than the voicing of *-s- by Verner's Law and did not apply to the Vernerian variant *-zr-. Instead, I propose that the pre-rhotic *z was lost, resulting, when possible, in a compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel. Several novel etymologies are offered to support this proposal, and some of its ramifications are explored, including the derivation of the word for 'spring' in Latin and Germanic and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal points. http://hdl.handle.net/10593/1990
2009 •
nouns marked by -ti-, nouns in the religious sphere marked by -uand collectives marked by *-h. B. In addition to characterization by means of order and categories of selection, the sentence was also delimited by Intonation based on variations in pitch. 9. Proto-Indo-European Syntax 295 To the extent that the pitch phonemes of PIE have been determined, a high pitch may be posited, which could stand on one syllable per word, and a low pitch, which was not so restricted. NOTE. The location of the high pitch is determined by Lehmann primarily from the evidence in Vedic; the theory that this was inherited from PIE received important corroboration from Karl Verner’s demonstration of its maintenance into Germanic (1875). Thus the often cited correlation between the position of the accent in the Vedic perfect and the differing consonants in Germanic provided decisive evidence for reconstruction of the PIE pitch accent as well as for Verner’s law, as in the perfect (preterite) forms of the r...
In this paper we look at the demise of perfective reduplication in Latin and seek to answer the question why this process of erosion followed a phonologically rather strictly defined path. The small set of remaining reduplicated perfects is not a random collection of leftovers from the ruins of earlier morphology (as it is e.g. in Gothic) but displays remarkable phonological coherence in the documented period of the language. To understand why this should be so we look at the relevant phonotactic properties of simplex forms. It appears quite clearly that, for a variety of reasons, the number of stems beginning with pVp, tVt, kVk, bVb and sVs increased in the prehistory of Latin. The fact that this occurred and that voiceless stops figure more prominently in this configuration than other types of consonants may well have given rise to a new phonotactic pattern in which such stem-initial sequences were now legitimate (as opposed to Proto-Indo-European). It seems to be a plausible explanation that perfective verb forms remained reduplicated only if they conformed to this new phonotactic pattern.
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